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my judgment, not within the purview of the Constitution or the Act of 1795—will not be complied with. You have chosen to inaugurate civil war, and having done so, we will meet it in a spirit as determined as the Administration has exhibited toward the South."—Governor Harris, of Teunessee, refused in terms equally explicit to comply with the requisition of the Government. In his Message to the Legislature, dated April 25, he takes strong ground against the action of the Administration, which he says is designed for the subjugation of the Southern States. He recommends the immediate passage of an Act of Secession, and an Act for the onion of Teunessee with the Southern Confederacy, both to be submitted separately to the people at an early day. He also recommends an appropriation for arming the State, and the creation of a large military fund, to be placed under the direction of a special Board.

The position of Viryinia is of the greatest importance. At the breaking out of hostilities the State Convention was in session. As noted in our last Record, a resolution was passed expressing an earnest desire for the re-establishment of the Union in its former integrity; an amendment declaring that Virginia ought not to accept a form of adjustment which would not be acceptable to the seceding States was rejected. Commissioners were appointed to wait upon the President and ascertain the policy which he intended to pursue. An amendment denying the right of the Federal Government to deal with the question of secession was rejected. A resolution was adopted expressing a willingness that the independence of the seceding States should bo acknowledged. An amendment declaring that Virginia would secede in case the proposed amendments to the Constitution wero rejected by the non-slaveholding States, was lost. And resolutions were adopted opposing any action on the part of the Federal Government for retaining or retaking forts in the seceding States, and affirming that any measures of the Government tending to produce hostilities with the Confederate States would leave Virginia free to determine her own future policy. When the proclamation of the President calling for troops was issued the Convention went into secret , and on the 17th of April passed the follow

AN OEDINANCE TO BEPEAT. TUE EATIFICATION OF TTIE CONSTITCTION OF TUE CNITED STATES OF AMERICA BY TUE STATE OF VIEGINIA, AND TO RESCME ALL TUE RIGUTS AND POWEP.S GEANTED CNDER SAID CONSTITCTION,

The people of Virginia, in their ratification of the Constitution of the United States of Aatterlca, adopted by them In Convention on the twenty-fifth day of June, in the year of oar Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-eight, hsving declared that the powers granted under the said Constitution were derived from the people of the United States, and might 02 resumed whensoever the same should be perverted to their Injury and oppression; and the Federal Government, having perverted said powers, not only to the injury of the people of Virginia, but to the oppression of (he Southern Slaveholdlng States.

Now, therefore, we, the people of Virginia, do declare and ordain that the ordinance adopted by the peoplo of this State in Convention, on the twenty-fifth day of June, eighty-eight, whereby the Constitution of the United States of America was ratificd, and all acts of the General Assembly of this State, ratifying or adopting amendments to said Constitution, are hereby repealed and abrogated; that the Union between the State of Virginia and the other States under the Constitution aforesaid, is hereby dissolved, and that the State of Virginia is in the full possession and exereise of all the rights of sovereignty which belong and appertain to a free and independent State. And they do further declare that the said Constitution of the United States of America is no longer binding on any of the citizens of this State.

Vol. XXIU.—No. 133.—I

This ordinance shall take effect and be an act of this day when ratificd by a majority of the votes of the people of this State, cast at a poll to be taken thereon on the fourth Thursday in May next, in pursuance of a schedule to be hereafter enacted.

The " schedule" appoints the time and mauner of holding the election. Polls will be opened in each military camp, in addition to the regular election j precincts, and all volunteers will be entitled to vote. I The election for members of the United States Congress, which was to take place on the same day, is I prohibited, unless otherwise ordered by the Convention. The proceedings of the Convention were held in secret session; but the passage of the ordinance of secession was telegraphed to the South. Mr. Stephens, Vice-President of the Confederate States, at once set out for Virginia upon a special mission, the result of which was a convention between Virginia and the Confederate States, upon the following terms: Virginia adopts and ratifies the Constitution of the Provisional Government of the Confederate States, adopted on the 8th of February, unless the people, at the election to be held in May, reject the ordinance of secession. But until the union between Virginia and the Confederacy is perfected, the whole military foree, and the military operations of the Commonwealth, ore to be under the control of the President of the Confederate States, on the same footing as if Virginia were a member of the Confederacy. If tho State becomes a member of the Confederacy, she is to turn over to it all the property and stores acquired from the United States. Any expenditure of money made by the State in tho interval is to bo met by the Confederate States. This Convention is signed by Alexander H. Stephens as "Commissioner for the Confederate States," and John Tyler, William Ballard Preston, S. M'D. Moore, James P. Holeomb, James C. Bruce, and Lewis E. Harvie, "Commissioners for Virginia." This convention bears date the 24th of April.—In the moan time the people and authorities of the State did not wait action of the Convention. The United States Armory at Harper's Ferry contained some 15,000 stands of arms. It was guarded by only 40 men under the command of Lieutenant Jones. On the 18th of April the commander was apprised that two or threo thousand Virginia militia were advancing to take possession of the armory and arms. The position being untenable by the small foree under his command in the face of so large a body, Lieutenant Jones destroyed the greater portion of the arms, set firo to the Armory buildmg, and withdrew with his command. They were fired upon by the inhabitants, and two of the troops were killed. The remainder made their way through Man land and escaped.—At the Navy-yard near Norfolk were stored an immense amount of artillery and munitions of war. Here also lay the ship of tho line Peunsylvania of 120 guns, used as a receiving-vessel; the ships of the line Columbus, Delaware, and New York, of 80 guns, useless for naval purposes; the frigates United States, Columbia, and Rariian, greatly out of order; the sloops of war Plymouth and Germantown, of 22 guns; the steam-frigate Merimac, under repair; the corvette Germantown, 22 guns, nearly ready for sea; and the brig Dolph'm, of 4 guns: in all of a capacity 21,000 tons, with 606 guns, though with a few exceptions practically useless. Besides these was the ship Cumberland, tho only one of the vessels in commission. Preparations were made to capture the Navy-yard, and vessels were sunk in the chaunel to prevent the passage of the Cumberland; but the steam-tug Yankee from Charleston arrived

opportunely, took the Cumberland in tow, foreed her over the sunken vessels, and towed her on*. In the mean time the other eleven vessels were scuttled and set on fire, and the buildings at tho Navy-yard were also set on fire, after as much of the public property as possible had been destroyed to prevent its becoming of use to the enemy. It seems, however, that the destruction was incomplete, and that a large amount of artillery and munitions of war fell into the hands of the Virginians in a condition to be made available.

When the proclamation of President Lincoln calling out the militia was received at Montgomery, President Davis issued a proclamation, dated on the 17th of April, inviting all persons to apply for letters of marque and reprisal, to be issued under the seal of tho Confederate States. Those applying for these letters are to make a written statement, giving the name and a suitable description of the character, foree, and tounage of the vessel, with the names and residences of the owners, and the intended number of the crew. All applicants, before receiving their commissions, must give bonds to the amount of $5000, or $10,000 if the vessel is to have more than 150 men, that the laws of the Confederate States shall be observed, and all damages done contrary to those laws shall bo satisficd, and that the commission shall bo surrendered when revoked by the President.—President Lincoln thereupon, on the 19th, issued a proclamation, aunouncing tho blockade of all the ports of the seceding States, and that a competent foree would be stationed to prevent the entrance and exit of vessels at these ports. Any vessel attempting to enter or leave these ports is to be warned by the commander of a blockading vessel, tho warning to be indorsed on her register; and if the vessel again attempts to enter or leave, she is to be captured and sent to the nearest convenient port. On the 27 th the President issued a proclamation extending the blockade to the ports of North Carolina and Virginia. It is aunounced that the blockade will be maintained by at least fifty vessels of war, accompanied by a fleet of steam transports capable of conveying an army of 20,000 men.—On the 3d of May the President issued another proclamation, calling into service 42,000 volunteers to serve for a period of three years, unless sooner discharged; ordering that the regular army should be increased by 22,714 men; and directing the enlistment for the naval foree of the United States of 18,000 seamen, for a period of not less than one or more than three years.

The Congress of the Confederate States met at Montgomery on the 29th of April. The Message of President Davis aunounced that the Permanent Constitution had been ratificd by a sufficient number of States to render it valid, and that it only remained to elect officers under its provisions. The Message of President Lincoln calling for volunteers is characterized as a declaration of war, which will render it necessary to adopt measures to replenish the treasury of the Confederation, and provide for the defense of the country. Proposals had been issued, inviting subscriptions for a loan of five millions; more than eight millions were bid for, none under par. Tho whole amount had been ordered to be accepted; and it was now necessary to raise a much larger sum. The Confederate States had in the ficld, at Charleston, Pensacola, and different forts, 19,000 men, and 16,000 were en route for Virginia. It was proposed to organize and hold in readiness an army of 100,000 men. "We seek no conquest," says Mr.

Davis, "no aggrandizement, no concession from the Free States. All that we ask is to be let alone; that none shall attempt our subjugation by arms. This we will and must resist to the direst extremity. The moment this pretension is abandoned the sword will drop from our grasp, and we shall be ready to enter into treaties of amity and commeree mutually beneficial." In the mean while warlike and aggressive measures have been pushed forward with all possible activity. The forees besieging Fort Pickens have been augmented, and new batteries havo been constructed against it. Vessels belonging to the Government and to individuals have been seized. Among these is the steamer Slur of the West, which had been dispatched to'Indianola, Texas, to bring away the United States troops collected at that port. The vessel was lying at anchor, awaiting the arrival of the troops. At midnight of the 19th of April the steamer husk approached, and the captain of the Star of the West was informed that she had on board 320 United States troops, which were to be embarked. Every assistance was given for the reception of the supposed soldiers, who, however, proved to be Texan troops. As soon as they were on board they took possession of the steamer, which was taken to Now Orleans, the crew being detained as prisoners of war. Shortly after, 450 of the United States troops attempted to make their escape from Indianola on board of two sailing vessels. They were pursued by two armed steamers, mauned by the Texans, overtaken, and made prisoners.

Tho attack ul»n Fort Sumter aroused an intense feeling throughout the Free States. All the Governors responded promptly to the demand of the President for troops, promising to raise not only the number required, but as many more as might be needed. The Legislature of New York appropriated three millions of dollars for arming and equipping troops; Counecticut appropriated two millions, Vermont one million, New Jersey two millions, and other States in proportion. The Common Council of the city of New York appropriated one million. Besides the public appropriations, in every considerable town and city private subscriptions have been made for the same purposes, and to support tho families of volunteers. The aggregate of the sums thus furnished is estimated at 25 millions. Public meetings have been held every where; and all men, without distinction of party, express the determination that the Government must be sustained at all hazards, and at any cost of life and money.

It being supposed that an attack upon Washington was meditated, the first care of the Government was to provide troop! for its defense. The usual route to Washington from the North and East lies through the city of Baltimore. The first troops which reached this point were a regiment from Peunsylvania, and one from Massachusetts. Upon their arrival, on the 19th of April, they found the railroad track through the city obstructed, and their passage was opposed by a mob. Tho Peunsylvania regiment, being unarmed, was driven back. The greater part of the Massachusetts regiment passed on to the station without interruption. Two cars in the rear were detained a few moments. The troops left the cars and attempted to mareh through the city. They were assailed by missiles and firearms, three of them were killed. They then fired upon the mob, killing and wounding several; and then foreed their way through, and proceeded to Washington. This was on the 19th of April, the auniversary of the Battlo of Lexington.

For some days Baltimore was completely under the control of the Secessionists. The railroad track upon each side was torn up and bridges burned, so that direct communication between the North and Washington was suspended. Regiments which set out from New York on the 19th wero therefore stopped at Philadelphia. They were finally sent by steamers to Aunapolis, the capital of Maryland, which is also counected by railroad with Washington. Other regiments gathered at New York were forwarded to the same point. Tho troops here were placed under the command of General Butler, of Massachusetts. Rails had been removed, bridges destroyed, and engines rendered useless on the road to Washington. The Massachusetts and New York troops, who wore the first at Aunapolis, were on tho 24th of April sent on toward Washington, repairing the track and rebuilding the bridges as they advanc2d. Tho New York 7th reached tho capital on the 26th of April, having opened tho route, which was taken in possession by the Government. They were speedily followed by other troops from New York and New England, until at the close of the month tho capital was considered secure from any foree that could be brought against it from the South.

The position of Maryland is especially critical. Governor Hicks had throughout opposed the secession movement, and refused to summon an extra meeting of the Legislature. Upon the receipt of the requisition for the Maryland quota of troops, he wrote to the Secretary of War, asking if theso troops were to be used solely within tho limits of the State and for the protection of the National Capital. He said that he wished for an assurance to this effect, that "in responding to the lawful demands of the United States Government hs might be able to give effective and reliable aid for the support and defense of the Union." He was informed that it was not intended to remove the troops from the Stato except for the defense of the District. On the 18th of April he was notificd by the Sscretary of War that information had been received that the United States troops would b? obstructed in their passage through tho State, and a hops was expressed that this obstruction would be prevented by the State authorities. On the 20;h he wrote that he had endeavored, with little success, to preserve peace and order; tho rebellious element had the control of things; they had the principal part of the military foreo with them, and had taken possession of the armories, arms, and ammunition. He therefore " thought it prudent to decline for the present the requisition by President Lincoln for four regiments of infantry." He urged that no more troops should be sent through Maryland. He was informed by the Government that, for a time, no more troops would be sent through Baltimore, provided that they could mareh around the city. On the 22d tho Governor wrote again— although he had previously admitted that he had no right to demand it—advising that no more troops should be sent through Maryland, and suggesting that the British Minister, Lord Lyons, "should be requested to act as mediator between the contending parties of our country." To this Mr. Seward replied, affirming tho right and necessity of sending troops through Maryland, and declining to ask for foreign mediation. In the mean time the Governor repeatedly protested against the landing of the troops at Aunapolis and the military occupation of the Railroad thence to Washington, assigning as a reason for the latter protest that he had summoned the Legislature to meet at the Capital,

and the occupancy of the road would prevent some members from reaching the city. General Butler, the United States officer in command at Aunapolis, replied that his troops were in Maryland to maintain the laws and preserve the peace against all disorderly persons whatever; that ho had taken possession of the road, because threats had been made to destroy it in case the troops passed over it; if the Government of the State had taken possession ho should have waited long before ho entered upon it; that he was endeavoring to obtain means of transportation so that he might vacate Aunapolis before the meeting of the Legislature; and that he could not understand how, if the road was rendered impassable one way, the members of the Legislature could pass over it the other way. He also understood that apprehensions were entertained of negro insurrection, and offered his command to suppress it. The Governor thanked him for the offer, but said that tho citizens were fully able to quell any insurrection among the slaves.—Aunapolis and the railway remaining in possession of the Federal troops, the Maryland Legislature met at Frederick on the 27th of April. The Governor, in his message, admits the right of tho United States to transport their troops through Maryland; counsels the State not now to take sides against tho General Government, but to maintain a neutral position, so that in the event of war it may not take place on her soil. Tho first action of the Legislature rendered it doubtful whether that body would sanction even this recommendation of neutrality. A bill passed the Senate vesting the entire military power of the State in a Board of Public Safety, a majority of which were in favor of secession; this bill was subsequently recommitted, apparently on account of the strong feeling existing in a large portion of the State against any attempt to urge measures for secession. A Committee of the Legislature, appointed to meet the President, admitted the right of the Government to transport troops through tho State, and expressed their belief that no immediate attempt would be made to resist the Federal authority.

The position of affairs at the close of the first week in Slay is this: The Government of the United States is resolved to maintain its authority throughout tho entire country, and has called for forees, amounting in all to 180,000 men, and is on the point of begiuning offensive operations; forts Mouroe, M'Heury, and Pickens have been reinforeed; tho blockade of Southern ports has been commenced. The Southern Confederacy, probably strengthened by tho addition of Arkansas, Virginia, and Teunessee, are determined to resist, at all hazards, and are sending troops to the Border States. The position of Kentucky, Maryland, and Missouri is undetermined; but a few days must decide it. Tho only clew yet given to tho action of the European Powers is the reply of M. Thouvenel, the French Foreign Minister, to Mr. Faulkner, our late Minister at Paris. It is to the effect that no application had been as yet made for tho recognition of the Confederate States; that the French Government was not wont to act hastily upon such questions; that he believed the maintenance of the integrity of the Federal Union was for the benefit of France; but the principle was firmly established that all de facto governments had a right to be recognized as such. Our new Minister to France, Mr. Dayton, is instructed to say emphatically that "the thought of a dissolution of this Union, peaceably or by foree, has never entered into the mind of any candid statesman here.

POPULAR SENTIMENT.—We are fond of talking of the mysterious things in nature— of earthquakes, voleanoes, whirlwinds, pestilences, and other marvels of the material world; yet these do not begin to compare in strangeness and importance with the developments of the human heart as shown in the storms, and tides, and epidemies of popular feeling. The great questions of our future history do not turn upon marvelous phenomena in the heavens or under the earth, but upon the play of human passions; and while science is approaching toward a statement of the positive laws of the material world, human society is comparatively unknown, and what are called its laws are subject to great uncertainties and interruptions. During the last hundred years the historic races of our globe have not been troubled to any great extent by disturbances of what is regarded as the order of nature; and the crises in affairs have not turned upon famines, inundations, or pestilences. Short crops, indeed, will always tell upon public opinion, and there will be commotion wherever there is little bread. But the nature of the commotion will depend very much on the previous temper of the people.

The difference, for example, between Great Britain during the Irish famine and France during the distresses of the reign of Louis XVI. came less from physical than from social and political causes. The British suffered want with patience and relieved starvation with humanity, and the affliction was regarded less as the fault of the Government than as the visitation of Providence; whilo the French people felt that they had been trodden under foot by their rulers, and used the frenzy of misery to exasperate the madness of revolution. Thoughtful men foresaw trouble, and some remarkable predictions of the great convulsion of the eighteenth century are to be found in the pages of philosophers and theologians; yet the whole issue of affairs took the world by surprise, and the scientific world were quite as much in the dark as the multitude upon whom they looked with contempt. The great question to bo settled was not What will the writers of the Encyelopedia or the idealists of the Gironde, but What will the people say and do; and the question was much mystified by the fact that the peoplo themselves were more in the dark about their own movements than their superiors. For this is a memorable fact in all great popular outhreaks, that the chief parties in them are generally quite unconscious of their coming; and the populace can no more predict the storm that is to convulse its elements, than the skies over which angry clouds are flitting can of themselves predict the coming tempest. The reason of this ignorance comes from the very origin of popular commotion. The movement of the people does not generally begin in a deliberate theory or a settled purpose, but in a great emotion, a master passion. All the theories of human rights started by Rousseau and his school might be held, and have been held, by men of the most conservative position; and it is a noted fact that the infidelity of Voltaire prevailed most among the aristocratic wits and courtiers of his day. It was only when the populace felt that they had been trodden down by tyrants, and were set on fire with revenge, that radical opinions armpd themselves with such terrors, and speculations that have been harmless in many coteries of doctrinaires or blue stockings, were

found brandishing the sword or presiding at the guillotine.

Of course we do not deny that theoretic opinions have great power, yet of themselves they do not inflame tho people; and their significance, even as opinions, is not felt until they are counected with some startling event or personage, or some inflaming appeal or symbol. We do 'not doubt that Rousseau's "Contrat Social" had a great deal to do with forming the mind of St. Just, Robespierre, and the theoretic radicals of the Terrorist school; yet such speculations could of themselves amount to little, and so far as motive revolutionary foree was concerned, the Marseillaise Hymn was worth more than all the tracts ever published. The people are not philosophers, and they rarely accept a political or philosophical idea unless it is so embodied as to touch their sympathies and move their passions.

To illustrate the same truth by our own affairs, may we not say that, much as we may admire the arguments of our great conservative statesmen in behalf of our Constitution and our laws, no Union speech of Webster or Clay ever had half the power with the people that is exereised whenever the American flag is unfurled before the multitude and the "Star Spangled Bauner" is sung?

There are, undoubtedly, laws to popular feeling; but it is not easy to define them, or even to apprehend them : and how little we are able to state them in cold blood or in our closet meditation, becomes quite clear tho moment we make the issue practical, and try the experiment upon ourselves by going into the contagion of popular excitement. Of much of our nature, indeed, we can become cognizant without the help of the multitude. We do not need to learn of the thousand when to be hungry, or thirsty, or sleepy, or cold; and our leading physical instincts and appetites, although much modified by the influence of numbers, inhere in our own private constitution, and would command us in very much the same way if we lived alone like Robinson Crusoe, or were one of the great army of Xerxes. A man may, indeed, have his appetite a little sharpened by seeing others eat; but he need not wait long for this social sauce, and the passage of a few hours brings the ascetic scholar as well as the burly beef-eater to the table; and under the pinch of hunger the knightly Quixote and his voracious squire feel the touch of nature that makes the whole world kin.

There are also imperious intellectual instincts that are as independent of the foree of sympathy as the physical appetites; and the mathematician does not hold his principles in the least at the merey of social excitement or public opinion. Newton pursues his Caleulus as calmly as if the earth were as passionless as the heavens, and men were as voiceless as the stars. The votaries of all the higher abstract philosophy, like Kant and Hegel, have something of the same exemption from popular commotion. Yet the interest which attaches even to such exact sciences depends much upon social feeling; and while the conclusions of the Caleulus are wholly independent of popular favor, the zeal with which the study is pursued may be much enhanced by the smiles of princes or the applause of nations. The mathematician is human in whatever he thinks and does; ho must be a man as well as a caleulator. The moment he enters society he feels the social estimate that is put upon his labors, and as soon as he begins to apply his science to practice he finds himself in full contact with the world, and subject to all the interests and emotions of the world. As soon as he erects observatories, or builds ships, or constructs aqueducts or fortifications, ho mingles with the crowd, and is moved by the ambition, fears, and hopes incident to all active life.

Some of our feelings that are most intense in the nearer social relations, lose their power when presented to the public. Thus lovers are very interesting to themselves, but little so to spectators, and their endearments appear ridiculous to the multitude of lookers-on. Even the parental affections are comparatively private, and we do not care to see children fondled in public. The parental feeling becomes interesting to the public only when it rises above merely private life into a universal meaning, and touches the common heart—as when Virginios slew his daughter with his own hand, and called on the people to avenge their wrongs and his own upon the ravisher's head; or when a mother offers her only son to her country, and gives him her blessing as he goes to the wars of liberty. We are all, indeed, compelled to respect the domestic affections in their own sphere; but they do not of themselves kindle great popular emotions. Sometimes, indeed, they become pathetie, and even inflaming, from their counection with public calamities; and no picture can be more touching than that of the soldier returning from the wars, all wounded and broken, to find a weleome from his desolate wife and child. The universal chord is here touched, and private feeling rises into the highest humanity. Whatever appeals to the parental instinct of the many has irresistible sweep; but this appeal must be something more than an exhibition of private affection, and must connect home affections with the general heart.

It may be affirmed, in general, that the people are most deepl}* moved by whatever comes home to their feelings; and of course nothing can come home deeply to their feelings without touching the affections which they have in common. AVhatever is purely individual in taste or opinion or purpose can not act upon the masses; and all those niceties of culture or accomplishment that require rare acumen or exceptional training or gifts to be appreciated, can not be expected to kindle popular enthusiasm. If an assembly of fifty thousand men were gathered together from the people at large, just as they happen to come, in some enormous inclosure like the Coliseum, it would bo a very curious study to ascertain the range and character of their sensibility. No reasonable man would expect to interest them in subtle metaphysies, or in exquisite disquisitions, or in the most refined poetry and art. If their car even for music were to be tested, a stirring martial strain would at once kindle their enthusiasm, while they would hardly listen to the choicest airs from Mozart or Beethoven. If their sense of poetry were to be proved, some vivid narrative or startling drama would move them more than the polished sounet or the most learned and sagacious didactic verse. They might be ready to weep at a thrilling tragedy, but they would be far more ready to laugh at a broad comedv. If eloquence were to be tried upon them, that would be found most effective that brings the largest range of motives to bear upon some contested point; and of all speeches that is the most telling that calls the people to some battle with a definite and positive foe, whether it be a campaign against a nation, a crusade against the heathen, or tho marshaling of a militant Chureh against an infidel world.

The appeal of the orator to the mass avails little until he brings out the enthusiasm for what they all love into union with their animosity against what they all hate. The great popular commotions arise when the people rally for a common cause against a common enemy. Of course the cause and the enemy are more sure to be common when they are connected with common interests and passions of our nature, both higher and lower. That is the best cause to plead with the people which rests upon obvious grounds of common interest, and rises from that basis into universal principles; as, for example, the cause of a country whose soil gives the people their bread and home, and whose institutions are identificd with their friendships, loves, and religion. The higher range of motives have greatest power when they are awakened; yet the lower are more obvious, and when a man is not thinking of his conscience or his religion, he Can not help thinking of the land before his face, and the very thought of losing this sends the blood coursing through his veins, and rouses in time all the better convictions of his mind.

All popular commotions, therefore, must have a positive material basis, and even religious excitements of the revolutionary kind are sura to turn upon some tangible prize, upon some land of promise, whether Jewish, Mohammedan, Anabaptist, or Mormon. If we were called to name the three leading causes of popular agitation we might place them thus: the land and estate, the distribution of power and honor, partisan and sectarian opinion; and if we are asked to class these in the order of their influence it must be in the inverse order of their dignity; and we firmly believe that while moral and religious principle is tho noblest motive, yet it needs to be counected with positive material interests to make it popular, and that the mass are most habitually acted upon by motives directly counected with the soil and their material welfare. They are capable, indeed, of an immense degree of enthusiasm for honor and religion; but they do not live long in the upper air of idealities, and all wars for ascendency or faith settle down upon some solid ground of antagonism. Tho two extremes of civilization—the Mormon and the Roman Catholic—while professing to be under direct divine guidance, bring their zealots to a material test, and Salt Lake and the Tiber are the seats of their temporal thrones.

As tho mass of men tend to rest upon a material basis in their ideas, there is a similar trait in their modes of action. The masses—as such, and unless animated and commanded by wise or heroic leaders —do not gain mind by gaining bulk, but rather become more heavy and unwieldy. Ten thousand men meeting together without organization, have not by any means ten times the mind of one thousand men, and one thousand men have not ten times the mind of one hundred men, nor one hundred men ten times tho mind of ten men. A great multitude is a mob instead of a fellowship, and is as dangerous to itself as to its sworn enemies, trampling upon its own people, and, when driving every obstacle away before its irresistible sweep, wielding a power that is weak even in its might, bound even in its lawlessness, like the rush of the jraters when the floodgates are swept away, which roll on because they can not stop; and what is called their foree is but the fearful necessity of their destiny. A mob is a great tide of people, and the individuals that compose it are no more masters of its movement than particles of water ore masters of the drift of the tide upon the rapids that poor over Niagara. The whole

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