my judgment, not within the purview of the Constitution or the Act of 1795-will not be complied with. You have chosen to inaugurate civil war, and having done so, we will meet it in a spirit as determined as the Administration has exhibited toward the South."-Governor Harris, of Tennessee, refused in terms equally explicit to comply with the requisition of the Government. In his Message to the Legislature, dated April 25, he takes strong ground against the action of the Administration, which he says is designed for the subjugation of the Southern States. He recommends the immediate passage of an Act of Secession, and an Act for the union of Tennessee with the Southern Confederacy, both to be submitted separately to the people at an early day. He also recommends an appropriation for arming the State, and the creation of a large military fund, to be placed under the direction of a special Board.

1

This ordinance shall take effect and be an act of this day this State, cast at a poll to be taken thereon on the fourth when ratified by a majority of the votes of the people of Thursday in May next, in pursuance of a schedule to be hereafter enacted.

The "schedule" appoints the time and manner of holding the election. Polls will be opened in each military camp, in addition to the regular election precincts, and all volunteers will be entitled to vote. The election for members of the United States Congress, which was to take place on the same day, is prohibited, unless otherwise ordered by the Convention. The proceedings of the Convention were held in secret session; but the passage of the ordinance of secession was telegraphed to the South. Mr. Stephens, Vice-President of the Confederate States, at once set out for Virginia upon a special mission, the result of which was a convention between Virginia and the Confederate States, upon the following terms: Virginia adopts and ratifies the Constitution of the Provisional Government of the Confederate States, adopted on the 8th of February, unless the people, at the election to be held in May, reject the ordinance of secession. But until the union between Virginia and the Confederacy is perfected, the whole military force, and the military operations of the Commonwealth, are to be under the control of the President of the Confederate States, on the same footing as if Virginia were a member of the Confederacy. If the State becomes a member of the Confederacy, she is to turn over to it all the property and stores acquired from the United States. Any expenditure of money made by the State in the interval is to be met by the Confederate States. This Convention is signed by Alexander H. Stephens as "Commissioner for the Confederate States," and John Tyler, William Ballard Preston, S. M'D. Moore, James P. Holcomb, James C. Bruce, and Lewis E. Harvie, "Commissioners for Virginia." This convention bears date the 24th of April.-In the mean time the people and authorities of the State did not wait action of the Convention. The United States Armory at Harper's Ferry contained some 15,000 stands of arms. It was guarded by only 40 men under the command of Lieutenant Jones. On the 18th of April the commander was apprised that two or three thousand Virginia militia were advanc

The position of Virginia is of the greatest importance. At the breaking out of hostilities the State Convention was in session. As noted in our last Record, a resolution was passed expressing an earnest desire for the re-establishment of the Union in its former integrity; an amendment declaring that Virginia ought not to accept a form of adjustment which would not be acceptable to the seceding States was rejected. Commissioners were appointed to wait upon the President and ascertain the policy which he intended to pursue. An amendment denying the right of the Federal Government to deal with the question of secession was rejected. A resolution was adopted expressing a willingness that the independence of the seceding States should be acknowledged. An amendment declaring that Virginia would secede in case the proposed amendments to the Constitution were rejected by the non-slaveholding States, was lost. And resolutions were adopted opposing any action on the part of the Federal Government for retaining or retaking forts in the seceding States, and affirming that any measures of the Government tending to produce hostilities with the Confederate States would leave Virginia free to determine her own future policy. When the proclamation of the President calling for troops was issued the Convention went into secret session, and on the 17th of April passed the following to take possession of the armory and arms. The ing:

AN ORDINANCE TO REPEAL THE RATIFICATION OF THE CON

STITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA BY THE
STATE OF VIRGINIA, AND TO RESUME ALL THE RIGHTS

AND POWERS GRANTED UNDER SAID CONSTITUTION.

The people of Virginia, in their ratification of the Constitution of the United States of America, adopted by them in Convention on the twenty-fifth day of June, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-eight, having declared that the powers granted under the said Constitution were derived from the people of the United States, and might be resumed whensoever the same should be perverted to their injury and oppression; and the Federal Government, having perverted said powers, not only to the injury of the people of Virginia, but to the oppres

sion of the Southern Slaveholding States.

position being untenable by the small force under his command in the face of so large a body, Lieutenant Jones destroyed the greater portion of the arms, set fire to the Armory building, and withdrew with his command. They were fired upon by the inhabitants, and two of the troops were killed. The remainder made their way through Maryland and escaped.-At the Navy-yard near Norfolk were stored an immense amount of artillery and munitions of Here also lay the ship of the line Pennsyl vania of 120 guns, used as a receiving-vessel; the ships of the line Columbus, Delaware, and New York, of 80 guns, useless for naval purposes; the frigates United States, Columbia, and Raritan, greatly out of order; the sloops of war Plymouth and Germantown, of 22 guns; the steam-frigate Merimac, under

war.

Now, therefore, we, the people of Virginia, do declare and ordain that the ordinance adopted by the people of this State in Convention, on the twenty-fifth day of June, eighty-eight, whereby the Constitution of the United States of America was ratified, and all acts of the General As-repair; the corvette Germantown, 22 guns, nearly sembly of this State, ratifying or adopting amendments to said Constitution, are hereby repealed and abrogated; that the Union between the State of Virginia and the other States under the Constitution aforesaid, is hereby dissolved, and that the State of Virginia is in the full possession and exercise of all the rights of sovereignty which belong and appertain to a free and independent State. And they do further declare that the said Constitution of the United States of America is no longer binding on any

of the citizens of this State.

VOL. XXIII.-No. 133.-I

ready for sea; and the brig Dolphin, of 4 guns: in all of a capacity 21,000 tons, with 606 guns, though with a few exceptions practically useless. Besides these was the ship Cumberland, the only one of the vessels in commission. Preparations were made to capture the Navy-yard, and vessels were sunk in the channel to prevent the passage of the Cumberland; but the steam-tug Yankee from Charleston arrived

opportunely, took the Cumberland in tow, forced her | Davis, "no aggrandizement, no concession from the over the sunken vessels, and towed her off. In the Free States. All that we ask is to be let alone; mean time the other eleven vessels were scuttled that none shall attempt our subjugation by arms. and set on fire, and the buildings at the Navy-yard were also set on fire, after as much of the public property as possible had been destroyed to prevent its becoming of use to the enemy. It seems, however, that the destruction was incomplete, and that a large amount of artillery and munitions of war fell into the hands of the Virginians in a condition to be made available.

This we will and must resist to the direst extremity. The moment this pretension is abandoned the sword will drop from our grasp, and we shall be ready to enter into treaties of amity and commerce mutually beneficial.”. -In the mean while warlike and aggressive measures have been pushed forward with all possible activity. The forces besieging Fort Pickens have been augmented, and new batteries have been constructed against it. Vessels belonging to the Government and to individuals have been seized. Among these is the steamer Star of the West, which had been dispatched to Indianola, Texas, to bring away the United States troops collected at that port. The vessel was lying at anchor, await

19th of April the steamer Rusk approached, and the captain of the Star of the West was informed that she had on board 320 United States troops, which were to be embarked. Every assistance was given for the reception of the supposed soldiers, who, however, proved to be Texan troops. As soon as they were on board they took possession of the steamer, which was taken to New Orleans, the crew being detained as prisoners of war. Shortly after, 450 of the United States troops attempted to make their escape from Indianola on board of two sailing vessels. They were pursued by two armed steamers, manned by the Texans, overtaken, and made prisoners.

When the proclamation of President Lincoln calling out the militia was received at Montgomery, President Davis issued a proclamation, dated on the 17th of April, inviting all persons to apply for letters of marque and reprisal, to be issued under the seal of the Confederate States. Those applying for these letters are to make a written statement, giving the arrival of the troops. At midnight of the ing the name and a suitable description of the character, force, and tonnage of the vessel, with the names and residences of the owners, and the intended number of the crew. All applicants, before receiving their commissions, must give bonds to the amount of $5000, or $10,000 if the vessel is to have more than 150 men, that the laws of the Confederate States shall be observed, and all damages done contrary to those laws shall be satisfied, and that the commission shall be surrendered when revoked by the President.-President Lincoln thereupon, on the 19th, issued a proclamation, announcing the blockade of all the ports of the seceding States, and that a competent force would be stationed to prevent the The attack upon Fort Sumter aroused an intense entrance and exit of vessels at these ports. Any feeling throughout the Free States. All the Govvessel attempting to enter or leave these ports is to ernors responded promptly to the demand of the be warned by the commander of a blockading ves-President for troops, promising to raise not only the sel, the warning to be indorsed on her register; and number required, but as many more as might be if the vessel again attempts to enter or leave, she is to be captured and sent to the nearest convenient port. On the 27th the President issued a proclamation extending the blockade to the ports of North Carolina and Virginia. It is announced that the blockade will be maintained by at least fifty vessels of war, accompanied by a fleet of steam transports capable of conveying an army of 20,000 men.-On the 3d of May the President issued another proclamation, calling into service 42,000 volunteers to serve for a period of three years, unless sooner discharged; ordering that the regular army should be increased by 22,714 men; and directing the enlistment for the naval force of the United States of 18,000 seamen, for a period of not less than one or more than three years.

The Congress of the Confederate States met at Montgomery on the 29th of April. The Message of President Davis announced that the Permanent Constitution had been ratified by a sufficient number of States to render it valid, and that it only remained to elect officers under its provisions. The Message of President Lincoln calling for volunteers is characterized as a declaration of war, which will render it necessary to adopt measures to replenish the treasury of the Confederation, and provide for the defense of the country. Proposals had been issued, inviting subscriptions for a loan of five millions; more than eight millions were bid for, none under par. The whole amount had been ordered to be accepted; and it was now necessary to raise a much larger sum. The Confederate States had in the field, at Charleston, Pensacola, and different forts, 19,000 men, and 16,000 were en route for Virginia. It was proposed to organize and hold in readiness an army of 100,000 men. "We seek no conquest," says Mr.

needed. The Legislature of New York appropriated three millions of dollars for arming and equipping troops; Connecticut appropriated two millions, Vermont one million, New Jersey two millions, and other States in proportion. ... The Common Council of the city of New York appropriated one million. Besides the public appropriations, in every considerable town and city private subscriptions have been made for the same purposes, and to support the families of volunteers. The aggregate of the sums thus furnished is estimated at 25 millions. Public meetings have been held every where; and all men, without distinction of party, express the determination that the Government must be sustained at all hazards, and at any cost of life and money.

Upon

It being supposed that an attack upon Washington was meditated, the first care of the Government was to provide troops for its defense. The usual route to Washington from the North and East lies through the city of Baltimore. The first troops which reached this point were a regiment from Pennsylvania, and one from Massachusetts. their arrival, on the 19th of April, they found the railroad track through the city obstructed, and their passage was opposed by a mob. The Pennsylvania regiment, being unarmed, was driven back. The greater part of the Massachusetts regiment passed on to the station without interruption. Two cars in the rear were detained a few moments. The troops left the cars and attempted to march through the city. They were assailed by missiles and firearms, three of them were killed. They then fired upon the mob, killing and wounding several; and then forced their way through, and proceeded to Washington. This was on the 19th of April, the anniversary of the Battle of Lexington.

and the occupancy of the road would prevent some members from reaching the city. General Butler, the United States officer in command at Annapolis, replied that his troops were in Maryland to maintain the laws and preserve the peace against all disorderly persons whatever; that he had taken possession of the road, because threats had been made to destroy it in case the troops passed over it; if the Government of the State had taken possession he should have waited long before he entered upon it; that he was endeavoring to obtain means of trans

fore the meeting of the Legislature; and that he could not understand how, if the road was rendered impassable one way, the members of the Legislature could pass over it the other way. He also understood that apprehensions were entertained of negro insurrection, and offered his command to suppress it. The Governor thanked him for the offer, but said that the citizens were fully able to quell any insurrection among the slaves.-Annapolis and the railway remaining in possession of the Federal troops, the Maryland Legislature met at Frederick on the 27th of April. The Governor, in his message, admits the right of the United States to transport their troops through Maryland; counsels the State not now to take sides against the General Government, but to maintain a neutral position, so that in the event of war it may not take place on her soil. The first action of the Legislature rendered it doubtful whether that body would sanction even this recommendation of neutrality. A bill passed the Senate vesting the entire military power of the State in a Board of Public Safety, a majority of which were in favor of secession; this bill was subsequently recommitted, apparently on account of the strong feeling existing in a large portion of the State against any attempt to urge measures for secession. A Committee of the Legislature, appointed to meet the President, admitted the right of the Government to transport troops through the State, and expressed their belief that no immediate attempt would be made to resist the Federal authority.

For some days Baltimore was completely under the control of the Secessionists. The railroad track upon each side was torn up and bridges burned, so that direct communication between the North and Washington was suspended. Regiments which set out from New York on the 19th were therefore stopped at Philadelphia. They were finally sent by steamers to Annapolis, the capital of Maryland, which is also connected by railroad with Washington. Other regiments gathered at New York were forwarded to the same point. The troops here were placed under the command of General Butler, of Mas-portation so that he might vacate Annapolis besachusetts. Rails had been removed, bridges destroyed, and engines rendered useless on the road to Washington. The Massachusetts and New York troops, who were the first at Annapolis, were on the 24th of April sent on toward Washington, repairing the track and rebuilding the bridges as they advanced. The New York 7th reached the capital on the 26th of April, having opened the route, which was taken in possession by the Government. They were speedily followed by other troops from New York and New England, until at the close of the month the capital was considered secure from any force that could be brought against it from the South. The position of Maryland is especially critical. Governor Hicks had throughout opposed the secession movement, and refused to summon an extra meeting of the Legislature. Upon the receipt of the requisition for the Maryland quota of troops, he wrote to the Secretary of War, asking if these troops were to be used solely within the limits of the State and for the protection of the National Capital. He said that he wished for an assurance to this effect, that "in responding to the lawful demands of the United States Government he might be able to give effective and reliable aid for the support and defense of the Union." He was informed that it was not intended to remove the troops from the State except for the defense of the District. On the 18th of April he was notified by the Secretary of War that information had been received that the United States troops would be obstructed in their passage through the State, and a hope was expressed that this obstruction would be prevented by the State authorities. On the 20th he wrote that he had endeavored, with little success, to preserve peace and order; the rebellious element had the control of things; they had the principal part of the military force with them, and had taken possession of the armories, arms, and ammunition. He therefore "thought it prudent to decline for the present the requisition by President Lincoln for four regiments of infantry." He urged that no more troops should be sent through Maryland. He was informed by the Government that, for a time, no more troops would be sent through Baltimore, provided that they could march around the city. On the 22d the Governor wrote againalthough he had previously admitted that he had no right to demand it-advising that no more troops should be sent through Maryland, and suggesting that the British Minister, Lord Lyons, "should be requested to act as mediator between the contending parties of our country." To this Mr. Seward replied, affirming the right and necessity of sending troops through Maryland, and declining to ask for foreign mediation. In the mean time the Governor repeatedly protested against the landing of the troops at Annapolis and the military occupation of the Railroad thence to Washington, assigning as a reason for the latter protest that he had summoned the Legislature to meet at the Capital,

The position of affairs at the close of the first week in May is this: The Government of the United States is resolved to maintain its authority throughout the entire country, and has called for forces, amounting in all to 180,000 men, and is on the point of beginning offensive operations; forts Monroe, M'Henry, and Pickens have been reinforced; the blockade of Southern ports has been commenced. The Southern Confederacy, probably strengthened by the addition of Arkansas, Virginia, and Tennessee, are determined to resist, at all hazards, and are sending troops to the Border States. The position of Kentucky, Maryland, and Missouri is undetermined; but a few days must decide it. The only clew yet given to the action of the European Powers is the reply of M. Thouvenel, the French Foreign Minister, to Mr. Faulkner, our late Minister at Paris. It is to the effect that no application had been as yet made for the recognition of the Confederate States; that the French Government was not wont to act hastily upon such questions; that he believed the maintenance of the integrity of the Federal Union was for the benefit of France; but the principle was firmly established that all de facto governments had a right to be recognized as such.- -Our new Minister to France, Mr. Dayton, is instructed to say emphatically that "the thought of a dissolution of this Union, peaceably or by force, has never entered into the mind of any candid statesman here.

POPULAR SENTIMENT.We are fond of found brandishing the sword or presiding at the

Of course we do not deny that theoretic opinions have great power, yet of themselves they do not inflame the people; and their significance, even as opinions, is not felt until they are connected with some startling event or personage, or some inflaming appeal or symbol. We do not doubt that Rousseau's "Contrat Social” had a great deal to do with forming the mind of St. Just, Robespierre, and the theoretic radicals of the Terrorist school; yet such speculations could of themselves amount to little, and so far as motive revolutionary force was concerned, the Marseillaise Hymn was worth more than all the tracts ever published. The people are not philosophers, and they rarely accept a political or philosophical idea unless it is so embodied as to touch their sympathies and move their passions.

talking of in nature- guillotine. of earthquakes, volcanoes, whirlwinds, pestilences, and other marvels of the material world; yet these do not begin to compare in strangeness and importance with the developments of the human heart as shown in the storms, and tides, and epidemics of popular feeling. The great questions of our future history do not turn upon marvelous phenomena in the heavens or under the earth, but upon the play of human passions; and while science is approaching toward a statement of the positive laws of the material world, human society is comparatively unknown, and what are called its laws are subject to great uncertainties and interruptions. During the last hundred years the historic races of our globe have not been troubled to any great extent by disturbances of what is regarded as the order of nature; and the crises in affairs have not turned upon famines, inundations, or pestilences. Short crops, indeed, will always tell upon public opinion, and there will be commotion wherever there is little bread. But the nature of the commotion will depend very much on the previous temper of the people.

The difference, for example, between Great Britain during the Irish famine and France during the distresses of the reign of Louis XVI. came less from physical than from social and political causes. The British suffered want with patience and relieved starvation with humanity, and the affliction was regarded less as the fault of the Government than as the visitation of Providence; while the French people felt that they had been trodden under foot by their rulers, and used the frenzy of misery to exasperate the madness of revolution. Thoughtful men foresaw trouble, and some remarkable predictions of the great convulsion of the eighteenth century are to be found in the pages of philosophers and theologians; yet the whole issue of affairs took the world by surprise, and the scientific world were quite as much in the dark as the multitude upon whom they looked with contempt. The great question to be settled was not What will the writers of the Encyclopedia or the idealists of the Gironde, but What will the people say and do; and the question was much mystified by the fact that the people themselves were more in the dark about their own movements than their superiors. For this is a memorable fact in all great popular outbreaks, that the chief parties in them are generally quite unconscious of their coming; and the populace can no more predict the storm that is to convulse its elements, than the skies over which angry clouds are flitting can of themselves predict the coming tempest. The reason of this ignorance comes from the very origin of popular commotion. The move ment of the people does not generally begin in a deliberate theory or a settled purpose, but in a great emotion, a master passion. All the theories of human rights started by Rousseau and his school might be held, and have been held, by men of the most conservative position; and it is a noted fact that the infidelity of Voltaire prevailed most among the aristocratic wits and courtiers of his day. It was only when the populace felt that they had been trodden down by tyrants, and were set on fire with revenge, that radical opinions armed themselves with such terrors, and speculations that have been harmless in many coteries of doctrinaires or blue stockings, were

To illustrate the same truth by our own affairs, may we not say that, much as we may admire the arguments of our great conservative statesmen in behalf of our Constitution and our laws, no Union speech of Webster or Clay ever had half the power with the people that is exercised whenever the American flag is unfurled before the multitude and the "Star Spangled Banner" is sung?

There are, undoubtedly, laws to popular feeling; but it is not easy to define them, or even to apprehend them: and how little we are able to state them in cold blood or in our closet meditation, becomes quite clear the moment we make the issue practical, and try the experiment upon ourselves by going into the contagion of popular excitement. Of much of our nature, indeed, we can become cognizant without the help of the multitude. We do not need to learn of the thousand when to be hungry, or thirsty, or sleepy, or cold; and our leading physical instincts and appetites, although much modified by the influence of numbers, inhere in our own private constitution, and would command us in very much the same way if we lived alone like Robinson Crusoe, or were one of the great army of Xerxes. A man may, indeed, have his appetite a little sharpened by seeing others eat; but he need not wait long for this social sauce, and the passage of a few hours brings the ascetic scholar as well as the burly beef-eater to the table; and under the pinch of hunger the knightly Quixote and his voracious squire feel the touch of nature that makes the whole world kin.

There are also imperious intellectual instincts that are as independent of the force of sympathy as the physical appetites; and the mathematician does not hold his principles in the least at the mercy of social excitement or public opinion. Newton pursues his Calculus as calmly as if the earth were as passionless as the heavens, and men were as voiceless as the stars. The votaries of all the higher abstract philosophy, like Kant and Hegel, have something of the same exemption from popular commotion. Yet the interest which attaches even to such exact sciences depends much upon social feeling; and while the conclusions of the Calculus are wholly independent of popular favor, the zeal with which the study is pursued may be much enhanced by the smiles of princes or the applause of nations. The mathematician is human in whatever he thinks and does; he must be a man as well as a calculator. The moment he enters society he feels the social estimate that is put upon his labors, and as soon as

he begins to apply his science to practice he finds | The appeal of the orator to the mass avails little unhimself in full contact with the world, and subject to all the interests and emotions of the world. As soon as he erects observatories, or builds ships, or constructs aqueducts or fortifications, he mingles with the crowd, and is moved by the ambition, fears, and hopes incident to all active life.

til he brings out the enthusiasm for what they all love into union with their animosity against what they all hate. The great popular commotions arise when the people rally for a common cause against a common enemy. Of course the cause and the enemy are more sure to be common when they are connected with common interests and passions of our nature, both higher and lower. That is the best

vious grounds of common interest, and rises from that basis into universal principles; as, for example, the cause of a country whose soil gives the people their bread and home, and whose institutions are identified with their friendships, loves, and religion. The higher range of motives have greatest power when they are awakened; yet the lower are more obvious, and when a man is not thinking of his conscience or his religion, he can not help thinking of the land before his face, and the very thought of losing this sends the blood coursing through his veins, and rouses in time all the better convictions of his mind.

All popular commotions, therefore, must have a positive material basis, and even religious excitements of the revolutionary kind are sure to turn upon some tangible prize, upon some land of promise, whether Jewish, Mohammedan, Anabaptist, or Mormon. If we were called to name the three leading causes of popular agitation we might place them thus: the land and estate, the distribution of power and honor, partisan and sectarian opinion; and if we are asked to class these in the order of their influence it must be in the inverse order of their dignity; and we firmly believe that while moral and religious principle is the noblest motive, yet it needs to be connected with positive material interests to make it popular, and that the mass are most habitually acted upon by motives directly connected with the soil and their material welfare. They are capable, indeed, of an immense degree of enthusiasm for honor and religion; but they do not live long in the upper air of idealities, and all wars for ascendency or faith settle down upon some solid ground of antagonism. The two extremes of civilization-the Mormon and the Roman Catholic-while professing to be under direct divine guidance, bring their zealots to a material test, and Salt Lake and the Tiber are the seats of their temporal thrones.

Some of our feelings that are most intense in the nearer social relations, lose their power when presented to the public. Thus lovers are very inter-cause to plead with the people which rests upon obesting to themselves, but little so to spectators, and their endearments appear ridiculous to the multitude of lookers-on. Even the parental affections are comparatively private, and we do not care to see children fondled in public. The parental feeling becomes interesting to the public only when it rises above merely private life into a universal meaning, and touches the common heart-as when Virginius slew his daughter with his own hand, and called on the people to avenge their wrongs and his own upon the ravisher's head; or when a mother offers her only son to her country, and gives him her blessing as he goes to the wars of liberty. We are all, indeed, compelled to respect the domestic affections in their own sphere; but they do not of themselves kindle great popular emotions. Sometimes, indeed, they become pathetic, and even inflaming, from their connection with public calamities; and no picture can be more touching than that of the soldier returning from the wars, all wounded and broken, to find a welcome from his desolate wife and child. The universal chord is here touched, and private feeling rises into the highest humanity. Whatever appeals to the parental instinct of the many has irresistible sweep; but this appeal must be something more than an exhibition of private affection, and must connect home affections with the general heart. It may be affirmed, in general, that the people are most deeply moved by whatever comes home to their feelings; and of course nothing can come home deeply to their feelings without touching the affections which they have in common. Whatever is purely individual in taste or opinion or purpose can not act upon the masses; and all those niceties of culture or accomplishment that require rare acumen or exceptional training or gifts to be appreciated, can not be expected to kindle popular enthusiasm. If an assembly of fifty thousand men were gathered together from the people at large, just as they happen to come, in some enormous inclosure like the Coliseum, it would be a very curious study to ascertain the range and character of their sensibility. No reasonable man would expect to interest them in subtle metaphysics, or in exquisite disquisitions, or in the most refined poetry and art. If their ear even for music were to be tested, a stirring martial strain would at once kindle their enthusiasm, while they would hardly listen to the choicest airs from Mozart or Beethoven. If their sense of poetry were to be proved, some vivid narrative or startling drama would move them more than the polished sonnet or the most learned and sagacious didactic verse. They might be ready to weep at a thrilling tragedy, but they would be far more ready to laugh at a broad comedy. If eloquence were to be tried upon them, that would be found most effective that brings the largest range of motives to bear upon some contested point; and of all speeches that is the most telling that calls the people to some battle with a definite and positive foe, whether it be a campaign against a nation, a crusade against the heathen, or the marshaling of a militant Church against an infidel world.

As the mass of men tend to rest upon a material basis in their ideas, there is a similar trait in their modes of action. The masses-as such, and unless animated and commanded by wise or heroic leaders

do not gain mind by gaining bulk, but rather become more heavy and unwieldy. Ten thousand men meeting together without organization, have not by any means ten times the mind of one thousand men, and one thousand men have not ten times the mind of one hundred men, nor one hundred men ten times the mind of ten men. A great multitude is a mob instead of a fellowship, and is as dangerous to itself as to its sworn enemies, trampling upon its own people, and, when driving every obstacle away before its irresistible sweep, wielding a power that is weak even in its might, bound even in its lawlessness, like the rush of the waters when the floodgates are swept away, which roll on because they can not stop; and what is called their force is but the fearful necessity of their destiny. A mob is a great tide of people, and the individuals that compose it are no more masters of its movement than particles of water are masters of the drift of the tide upon the rapids that pour over Niagara. The whole