1831.]

ADDRESS OF THE TARIFF CONVENTION.

355

bor of that particular country, to support that of foreign countries."

In accordance with these positions, we maintain the efficiency of labor, to add to the power and riches of a country, against the theories of later writers who attrib. ute every thing to capital. In fact, we consider it the most important and valuable feature in our system, that it tends directly to increase the effective power and remuneration of labor, thus multiplying the means, the comforts and enjoyments, of the laboring classes, and raising them in the scale of civilization and social life. This political effect on the character of society, may be considered its highest recommendation. It is thus made to give strength and permanency to our free institutions.

It is contended by them, that restriction upon the importation of foreign commodities, under any circumstances, is a mistaken economy;-that foreign manufac turers should be allowed freely to bring in their wares, although they will receive from us nothing in exchange, but the precious metals. This is the system, which has been lately called enlightened. We, on the contrary, believe it to be founded on mistaken views: and that a practical application of it would paralyze the industry of the country. The fundamental principle in this system, is one which we deem totally erroneous. It considers the profits of capital, as constituting the only source of national wealth. It assumes the fact, that the wages of labor are barely sufficient to support the laborer, but leave him nothing for accumulation. Now, whether this may or may not be true, in the fully peopled coun- The peculiar advantage of the United States consists tries of Europe, it is palpable to the slightest observa- in the abundance, and cheapness of fertile lands, affordtion, that in reference to labor in the United States, it is ing an easy subsistence and high remuneration to labor. absolutely and totally false. Such is the abundance of We consider the system of establishing manufactures, the means of subsistence in this favored country, that and the arts amongst us, as distributing and equalizing the laborer is able to accumulate capital out of his sur-these peculiar advantages, through all the departments plus earnings. We every where see capital accumula- of industry, and through all classes of society. ting in connexion with labor. Labor is not with us, as the theory supposes, the mere instrument of capital, the mere hand-maid to furnish the profits of the capitalists: it is, on the contrary, an intelligent, active principle the partner and the sharer in the increase of wealth, produced by the united action of both. We have no class in America corresponding with the operatives the human machines of Europe. We, therefore, totally deny the correctness of the position, that "the question relates exclusively to the application of capital." We deny, that "the power of government is limited to its transfer from one employment to another." By increasing the stimulus to labor, resulting from the application of capital, to home production, additional capital can "be generated by an act of legislation." It is said, that this system "oppresses the many for the benefit of the few." We, on the contrary, believe, that whilst it be--As a municipal principle, there is no question of the nefits all, its highest recommendation is found in its beneficial action upon the many-the laboring classes, the working men. If there is any one principle in political economy, which is perfectly well established, it is, that the profits of capital employed in any one branch of industry, cannot for any length of time, exceed the average rate in other employments, it being the constant tendency of free competition to equalize profits. It is, therefore, an argument altogether fallacious to suppose, that this system favors capital devoted to one branch of business more than that devoted to another; or benefits any one class of individuals, to the prejudice or exclu-lation. sion of others.

It is also said, that "it is equally untrue that such a system gives greater employment to labor."

We dissent from this doctrine, and are fortified by the opinion of the author of "The Wealth of Nations," whose language we think it is useful to quote: "The capital of the manufacturer,” says this writer, "puts immediately into motion a much greater quantity of productive labor, and adds a much greater value to the land and labor of the society, than an equal capital in the hands of any wholesale merchant."—"After agriculture, the capital employed in manufactures, puts into motion the greatest quantity of productive labor, and adds the greatest value to the annual produce. That which is employed in the trade of exportation has the least effect of any of the three." "The capital employed in the home trade of any country, will generally give encouragement and support to a greater quantity of productive labor in that country, and increase the value of its produce, more than an equal capital employed in foreign trade of consumption, and the capital employed in this latter trade has, in both these respects, a still greater advantage over an equal capital employed in the carrrying trade." "That part of the capital of any country, which is employed in the carrying trade, is altogether withdrawn from supporting the productive la

This effect, we believe, to be dedecible from the system, according to the most approved principles of political economy. But we consider all speculations on this subject, founded on the ultimate tendencies of human action, and the averages of contending principle, as very uncertain guides in legislation, compared to the surer test of experience, and those practical results which are obvious to the senses.

Mistaken and preposterous assumptions of the merits of what is called Free Trade, have under the active da lusion of British influence, afforded pretexts latterly to the opponents of the protective system, which it is pro per to dispel. It is not long since no one believed in the power of propelling boats by steam, and every one be lieved that the British debt was to be paid off by the sinking fund;-similar mistakes exist as to Free Trade: great advantages of Free Trade. The United States, in their coasting trade and domestic exchanges, afford the most striking illustrations of them ever witnessedbut, as between foreign nations, there is no free tradethere never was-there never can be--it would contra= vene the arrangements of Providence, which distribute mankind into different communities; separated originally by confusion of tongues; and prevented from all rushing together into the most favored latitudes, by local attachments, and foreign antipathies, which are the germs of national preservation, by means of national emu

Much of the suffering which it is alleged is felt in certain portions of the United States, (if their complaints have, in fact, any foundation,) is to be attributed to the very circumstance that they are placed in the circle of twenty-four commonwealths, enjoying the most complete freedom of trade, the operation of which has been to expose those who have not the inclination to employ their labor to the full extent of its capacity, to the se vere rivalry of more industrious and thrifty communis ties, living under the protection of the same general go. vernment.

Nations are adversary to each other; their commercial intercourse is regulated by treaties always made with a view to relative advantages, and to provide for those hostilities which are of perpetual recurrence. The vexatious provincial tariffs which formerly fettered intercourse and almost destroyed traffic, in the interior of nations, suggested the idea of that free trade, which has since been misunderstood and egregiously misapplied, by mere speculative writers. The tariff acts, which even now impose duties on the wines of Spain, at pro vincial borders, and on those of France at city gates, are grievances, for which free trade is a happy substitute but the principle is entirely municipal and in no respect applicable, without disadvantage to independent nations. The vessels of the United States are naviga:

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ADDRESS OF THE TARIFF CONVENTION.

[DECEMBER

and abandoned, and which has contributed to reducing Holland from once being the richest nation of Europe, to being one of the most impoverished and indebted. In fine, the dogmas of free trade, which are said to be taught in some colleges, may serve to inflame youthful imaginations, but, as they have never actuated a practical statesman, they can never mislead any well informed mind. What is called the American System, is the system of Europe; it is the universal system-and (if the experience and common sense of mankind be any standard of right) is the true and only system of intercourse among nations,

ted with fewer hands, and make their voyages in shorter periods, than others;-hence, what is called the reci. procity principle, originating in the first treaty between the United States and France, has been wisely proffered by the United States to many other nations, because it is supposed that our navigation would supplant theirs. But the artificial systems of England, France, Spain, and the other nations, with which the United States have most intercourse, render it extremely improbable, that any approximation to the footing of free trade, should ever be arranged between them, even by treaty. For us to attempt while they reject it, would be a complete surrender of ourselves as a voluntary sacrifice to It is doubtless true, that during the last half century, the policy and cupidity of foreign governments; to cre- a more enlightened philosophy has been applied to the ate a government for the benefit of others and not for affairs of mankind; that political economy is much betourselves. A tariff of duties on commerce between ter understood, its principles more fully developed, and New York and New Jersey, would be as injurious, as more judiciously applied. The sense and experience of unconstitutional. Free trade between these states, and men, hath gone far to correct the erroneous legislation among all the states of the Union, is the main spring of of former times; and to develope and multiply the true general welfare;-and one of the strongest links of the sources of national wealth. But the modern theory is chain that connects them; but free trade between New not content with the attainment of practical benefits York and Liverpool, would ruin the farmers of England merely; it seeks, by an unqualified application of certhrough our superabundant bread stuffs, and the man- tain general principles, to produce a thorough revoluufacturers of the United States, by the superior capital tion in the business of men, and the relations of nations. and proficiency of England in manufactures, and the It is against these extremes, of visionary good and pracdegraded state of the operatives. An unrestricted in- tical mischief, that we desire all men of sober judgment tercourse between two nations, reduces the labor of one to make a stand. We ask them to look at the present to the same scale of compensation with the labor of the condition of our country, and to examine the operation other; and such a consequence is certainly to be depre- of the present system upon all its great interests. Above cated by the nation, whose labor stood highest on the all, we ask them to look at the practice of all foreign na scale. This consideration forms a striking argument tions, rather than the speculations of their writers. against the policy of such a system, between foreign They will then find that those who have taught us this states. While, on the other hand, it is no less desira- theory of free trade, are too wise to practice it; that ble that, amongst the separate communities associated they continue to act, and to legislate upon the system of under the same government, this reduction of the high-protecting their own industry, though some of their er labor, to the scale of the lower should take place, in- writers and orators, recommend to all other nations to asmuch as the interests of these domestic communities abandon it. are equally the objects of the protection and solicitude of their common governors.

:

A reference to our own experience is, however, the best criterion by which to test the correctness of the system The freest of free trade is, after all, but a chartered which we support. It is not new; the principle was aplibertine. The United States could not share their plied, as we have already stated, to our navigation, coasting trade with England, without disadvantage from the establishment of the Federal constitution, prothe most extravagant advocates of free trade (it is be- hibiting foreign shipping from the coasting trade altolieved) have never yet dreamed of sharing our river gether, and imposing a high discriminating duty on trade with foreigners. To throw open the Ohio and foreign tonnage. If this discrimination has been abanMississippi, the Hudson and the Delaware, to British, doned, in respect to those nations who would consent French, and Dutch nagivation, would be of no advan- to a system of reciprocity, it involves no surrender of the tage to our own. England could not open her maritime principle. Trade can only be carried on between nations coal trade, the great nursery of her seamen, to the en- by mutual agreement; and mutual protection leads to reterprise of New England, without losing at least one ciprocity, as the only equitable arrangement. The me half of it. She even refuses us a passage through the chanic arts have also been the subject of protection St. Lawrence, although we own part of that river. The from the establishment of the government; and it cangreatest commercial nations of the middle ages, the not be doubted that to this circumstance they owe, in Hanseatic League, and Holland, the maritime wonder a great measure, their success; a success which has of the world, became such by the exclusive enjoyment made the mechanics of the United States one of the of the fisheries, and the trade to India and other monopo- main pillars of our national strength. Agriculture has lies, which they maintained at the charge of long and likewise had a full share of the benefit of this protecbloody wars. England struck the vital blow at Holland, tion; and in truth it may be said, that as our governnot so much by naval victories, as by her navigation ment commenced its career with the establishment of The commercial and the military marine of the the germs of the protective system, so it has continued United States, have risen to eminence upon similar in- ever since, gradually nurturing and invigorating them, terdiction. With free trade, we should have neither until they have reached their present growth. Some the one nor the other, but be a poor, dependent, pas- interruptions have occurred in the march of this policy, toral people. It is only about ten years since the pro- but these interruptions owe their origin to accidental ject for reducing the duties, was first suggested in En- circumstances, which dictated the necessity of relaxing gland, in a petition to parliament, from the merchants the system for the benefit of other interests, that were and traders of London. In 1815, some slight and cau- more immediately concerned in availing themselves of tions reductions were accordingly made, but in nothing the advantages of foreign trade. These, however, are to effect the commercial monopoly and maritime ascen- to be regarded not as proofs of the usefulness of the dency of Great Britain. Her colonial commerce is most-system, but as exceptions growing out of the pressure ly exclusive. The freedom of the trade of the Susque hanna river is now in dispute between the states of Maryland, Pennsylvania and New York. So intractable is free trade in fact, while fruitful of speculation. Within a few years Russia, mislead by this delusion, and Holland, under the influence of England, made experiments of free trade, which Russia soon found intolerable

act.

of temporary accidents. The events that followed the French revolution gave a new and unexpected direction to the enterprise of our citizens. The disturbed state of the continent of Europe, and the prevalence of universal wars throughout the nations of that quarter of the globe, placed the United States in the position of the only neutral, amongst many belligerents, and so ob

1831.]

ADDRESS OF THE TARIFF CONVENTION.

viously opened the way to commercial wealth to our citizens, that all other interests sank into insignificance compared with those which were concerned in pushing a foreign commerce into every region, where the strife of the contending parties excluded the competition of the belligerents themselves, and left to the United States, the undisputed monopoly of the trade. To this fortunate conjuncture of circumstances, is to be ascribed the most rapid growth that has ever been traced in the history of any empire. The United States not only became the medium of the commerce of the world, but their peaceful position attracted the emigration of all those who had the means and the wish to escape European troubles.

357

tion or external accidents, were most likely to furnish
the means of a stable and enduring happiness.
Troubles soon afterwards broke out at home. A war
threatened, and our citizens were suddenly-called to
meet a tremendous emergency. Our commerce was
put in fetters by non-importation acts and embargoes;
and the crisis that succeeded, found us without the most
ordinary resources of an independent people. Our ar-
mies went to the frontier clothed in the fabrics of the
enemy; our munitions of war were gathered as chance
supplied them from the four quarters of the earth; and
the whole struggle was marked by the prodigality, waste
and privation of a thriftless nation, taken at unawares,
and challenged to a contest without a necessary armor
of a
a combatant.

Amongst the advantages that have resulted to us from When it pleased Heaven to rescue us from the immithis state of things, we have suffered one evil, the ef nent hazards of this doubtful and disproportionate confect of which is not obliterated, even at this day. Acflict, we saw around us a nation of eight millions of peocustomed for twelve or fourteen years to commercial ple, possessed of a territory nearly equal to the conti speculations of unparalleled activity and success, we nent of Europe, rich in the ungathered resources of evwere taught to think that our national prosperity was inseparably connected with the prosecution of that kind ery kind of wealth-just emerging from a war of two of trade in which our citizens had been engaged, and years and a half, with an enemy who had never assemwe were thus insensibly educated in the opinion that bled an army of more than thirty thousand men—and the great interests of our commonwealth, would be al- yet deranged in all its channels of industry, exhausted, and on the verge of bankruptcy. Nothing but the most ways concerned with a foreign commerce exclusively employed in transporting abroad, the products of our perverse neglect of the fundamental precepts connectagriculture, and receiving returns in the manufactured commonwealth, could have produced such a result! ed with the proper administration of the concerns of a

commodities of other nations.

These disasters opened our eyes to some important facts. They demonstrated to us the necessity of extending more efficient protection, at least, to those manufactures which were essential to the defence of the nation. They proved to us the value of a national currency, and the duty of protecting it from the influence of foreign disturbance: and amongst other things of equal moment, they made us acquainted with the fact, that the British manufacturers could find a large, and, if necessary, a complete supply of cotton from other soils than our own.

There was another circumstance that gave great authority to this delusion. The cotton manufacture of Great Britain was rapidly arising into the greatest activity and vigor. It was in process of time discovered that the raw material for this manufacture could be produced in the United States, under more favorable circumstances, than in any other part of the world. At first, but two or three of our states were employed in the cultivation, and the demand from England was even greater than the supply. The profits of this cultivation, therefore, were almost unlimited. The portions of territory All these matters came into review before Congress, employed in the growing of cotton were small, and the at the close of the war. A proper occasion for their discommon opinion was, that but few districts, in com- cussion arose when the question was submitted, as to parison with the great extent of our surface, could be the reduction of the war duties. The return of peace appropriated to the culture. In the meantime, the cot- made it necessary for the legislature to take off the taxton fabrics were diffused over Europe, and took the es that had been imposed for defraying the expenses of place of large quantities of those manufactured from the war; and in this reduction of duties, to what it was wool, silk and flax. Every year demonstrated the in- considered should be a permanent standard, the cotton creasing importance of this manufacture, both in Europe planting interest urged with great force and propriety, and America, and the demand still continued to outrun the necessity of retaining such a duty, as should exclude the supply. These circumstances had their influence, from the American market, all fabrics made from the in impressing upon our citizens, an exaggerated idea of cotton of the East Indies. It was an anomoly apparent the permanence and value of this source of agricultural to every citizen of the United States, that our governwealth, and, along with it, the value of the trade which ment, possessing so many facilities for supplying Euwas concerned in the transportation of it. It persuaded rope with cotton, should, nevertheless, allow a trade our planters to believe, that they possessed an inexhaus- that threw in upon us vast quantities of cotton cloth, tible source of riches: it unfitted them for sober calcula- produced at the distance of ten thousand miles: that tions upon the effects that would follow the extension our most common household supplies should be furnishof the culture of cotton, over the fertile regions that yet ed from such a quarter. Nothing was more generally lay in wilderness behind them: and it equally disinclin- acknowledged, than the duty of the government to proed them to foresee the possibility of the manufacture it-tect the cotton grower, against such a competition; and self reaching a term at which it might become stationary this argument was addressed to the nation by the cotand which was, therefore, eventually to set a limit upon ton growing states, even with the conviction, at that the demand, at the very period when the supply would time prevalent among themselves, that its success would be increased in an almost infinite ratio, by the spread of be to give them what may be termed a species of monopopulation over other states of our Union, even more poly in the supply. propitious than their own, to the production of the plant. It may, therefore, be considered a misfortune, consequent upon their former prosperity, that our citizens were almost irresistibly led by it into delusive estimates of the true and permanent sources of national wealth. It was one result of this state of things that, whilst our countrymen were intent upon gathering the harvest which the distracted condition of the world had strewn before them, they were unmindful of the future, and neglected to treasure up the elements of strength and prosperity, which lay hidden in the bosom of the nation; and which, as they were independent of foreign legisla.

The duty was retained; and it is important to know, that, being designed for the protection of the cot ton grower, it was graduated to a scale precisely adequate to that purpose. His interest required the exclusion of the East India fabric, but was supposed to be hostile to the attempt of the American citizen to manufacture the material; the duty, therefore, was adapted to the first purpose, but not to the latter. It banished the foreign manufacture-it did not protect the homebeing thus accurately adjusted to the wants and wishes of the planting interest, without professing to serve any other.

This placed our commerce on the most favourable footing for the cotton grower that could be desired; and the nation, having thus performed its duty to this valuable interest, turned its attention to other branches of industry.

The tariff of 1816, it may be remarked, was a measure that met the approbation of the large majority of the people in every section of the Union. No partial nor local considerations were embodied against the operation of either its principles or policy. The southern states were even more forward than their northern confederates in recommending the policy and defending it in the councils of the nation. By this tariff various manufactures were attempted to be established in the United States. The want of skill and capital, exposed these infant institutions, to a fierce and vindictive competition from the manufacturers of Great Britain; and in three years, almost every capitalist who had ventured into this field of enterprise, was broken up. The heavy loss and distress that visited this endeavour to establish manufactures, subsequently urged the subject of a more extended protection upon congress, and the result, after various struggles, close and elaborate inquiry, and a careful attention to the expanding means of the country, was the establishment of a vigorous system, which has diffused health and strength, into the industry of the nation, and added to the wealth of every class of the community.

[To be Continued.]

PROCEEDINGS OF FREE TRADE CONVENTION. (Continued from page 346.)

Half past four, P. M.

The PRESIDENT took the Chair announced the ap. pointment, by him, under the resolution of this day, of the following Committee on the Memorial to Congress, viz:

Albert Gallatin, of New York, Chairman. Charles Q. Clapp, of Maine. Henry Lee, of Massachusetts. William Hunter, of Rhode Island. Roger Minot Sherman, of Connecticut. C. L. Hardenbergh, of New Jersey. Clement C. Biddle, of Pennsylvania. George Hoffman, of Maryland. Thomas R. Dew, of Virginia. James Iredell, of North Carolina. Willim Harper, of South Carolina. John M. Berrien, of Georgia. Enoch Parsons, of Alabama. William E. Butler, of Tennessee:

A motion was then made that this Convention do now adjourn which was not agreed to.

Mr. POINDEXTER's resolution, which was before the Convention this morning, was again called up for consideration; when it was moved and seconed that the same be indefinitely postponed. Upon the adoption of this resolution, the yeas and nays were called by Mr. Poindexter, and were as follsws:

YEAS:

Maine-Joshua Carpenter, Charles Q. Clapp, S. H. Mudge.

Massachusetts-Henry Lee, T. S. Pomeroy, Gideon
Tucker, George Peabody, Isaac Newhall, J.W. Rogers,
Henry Williams, Edward Cruft, John Pickens.

New York-Preserved Fish, John Leonard, Edwin
Bergh, Jonathan Goodhue, Isaac Carow, John Consta-
ble, George Griswold, Benjamin L. Swan, George T.
Trimble, Zebedee Ring, H. Kneeland, James Heard.
New Jersey-Henry Clow, John Potter.
Pennsylvania-Joseph R. Evans, Clement C. Biddle,
J. M. Barclay, E. Littell Samuel F. Smith, John A.
Brown, Philip H. Nicklin, Condy Raguet.

farland, Thomas W. Gilmer, Burwell Bassest, H. R.
Anderson, Josiah Ellis, Charles Everett, Alexander
Gordon Knox, James S. Brander, Benjamin F. Dabney,
R. O. Grayson, S. A. Storrow, Charles Cocke, John
W. Jones, William O. Goode, William Townes, William
B. Rogers, John H. Bernard, Linn Banks, William H.
Roane, James Lyons, Thomas T. Giles, Archibald
Bryce, Jr. James Magruder, Benjamin H. Magruder,
William Daniel, Jr. S. H. Davis, Littleton Upsher.
North Carolina-Joseph B. Skinner, Louis D. Wilson,
William R. Holt, S. T. Sawyer.

South Carolina-Zachariah P. Herndon; James G. Spann, James Cuthbert, Thomas Pinckney, T. D. Singleton, William Butler, Joseph W. Allston, Henry N. Cruger, Charles Macbeth, Henry C. Young, A. P. Butler, H. A. Middleton, Thomas R. Mitchell, Philip Tidyman, Stephen D. Miller, William Pope, John Fraser, Job Johnston, John Carter, Langdon Cheves, Joseph E Jenkins, Hugh Wilson, J. H. Glover, T. Pinckney Alston, Edward Richardson, William C. Preston, Henry Middleton, Daniel E. Huger, Hugh S. Legare, John Taylor, Thomson T. Player, J. Berkley Grimball, James Rose, William Smith, Thomas Williams, Jr. Thomas Flemming.

Georgia-Robert Habersham, Seaborn Jones.
Alabama-John A. Elmore, Benajah S. Bibb, John
W. Moore, P. Waters, William J. Mason.—127
NAYS:

Massachusetts—Theodore Sedgwick.
Connecticut--Roger Minot Sherman.

New York-John A. Stevens, Albert Gallatin, James
G. King, Charles H. Russell, Isaac Bronson,

New Jersey-C. L. Hardenbergh, J. C. Van Dyck, Miles C. Smith, John R. Thompson. R. F. Stockton. Pennsylvania-Richard Price, Henry R Watson, Samuel Spackman, Thomas P. Cope.

Virginia-Philip P. Barbour, James M. Garnett, John Dickinson.

North Carolina-Joseph B. G. Roulhac, Edward B.
Dudley, William A. Blount, Josheph D. White, David
Outlaw, Thomas S. Hoskins, Nathaniel Bruer.

South Carolina-William Wilkinson, William Harper.
Georgia-Eli S. Shorter, John M. Berrien.
Alabama-Enoch Parsons, Howell Rose, Henry
Goldthwaite, Archibald P. Baldwin.
Mississippi George Poindexter.

Tennessee-William E. Butler, Alexander Patton.
Yeas 127-Nays 97.

So the resolution was indefinitely postponed.
The SECRETARY stated that there had been placed in
his possession by Mr. Duff Green, printer to Congress,
a number of copies of the last Annual Treasury Report
upon the commerce and Navigation of the United
States, for distribution amongst the members of this
Convention: that the number now in his possession was-
equal to three for the Delegation of each State repre-
sented in the Convention, and would be delivered by
him to any persons authorized to receive the same.

Mr. BASSETT, of Virginia, from the committee appointed on the 5th inst. to confer with the Pennsylva nia Delegation, made a verbal report, in substance as follows:

That the Committee had had a conference with the Pennsylvania Delegation, that that Delegation; with a liberality not expected or desired by this Convention, had, in consideration of the fact that all the other members of this body had incurred great personal expenses in the discharge of their duties from which those resid ing in Philadelphia were exempt, insisted upon it as due to the Pennsylvania Delegation, to permit it to defray all the expenses incident to the sessions of the Convention: and, further more, the Pennsylvania DelVirginia Henry E. Watkins, Richard Booker, Sa- egation desired it to be understood, that they would, at muel L. Venable, Thomas R. Dew, Walker Hawes, an early day, cause to be published, at their expense, Thomas Miller, William G. Overton, George C. Drom-the journal of this Convention, and transmit a copy goole, Randolph Harrison, Richard Jones, Charles Yan- to each member. Mr. Bassett concluded his report, by cey, Robert Hurt, Ferdinand W. Risque, Malcolm Mac-offering the following resolutions:

Maryland William W. Handy, Arnold D. Jones, George Hoffman, John J. Donaldson.

PROCEEDINGS OF COUNCILS.

That your memorialists, have ever since the formation of their Institute, been in the habit of holding annually in this city exhibitions of Domestic Manufactures, which have, it is believed, been found productive of much benefit to the arts. In order to call the attention of the inechanics and manufacturers to those branches The Communication from Messrs. Charles Humph. of industry which were considered as susceptible of im-reys & Co. received at the last meeting of Councils, provement, the Institute has from time to time advertis- was referred to the committee on Chesnut street wharf, ed a list of premiums. Among the articles to which on the Schuylkill. they have for one or more years invited attention, was the improvement of our common street lamps, or the substitution of a new one uniting economy to efficiency -as yet no manufacturer has competed for this premium; your memorialists believe that the best mode of stimulating our artizans to competition consists in the