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were

To England,

826,946

23,773,020 greater by 1,844,926

The exports bet'n exports Difference

and imports,

All G.B. and depend. 1,890,813
British Amer. Colonies, 136,342

3,650,031 greater

29,757,068

do

Spain and depend.

1,621,674

4,427,377

less

France and depend. 1,106,920

10,699,318 greater

Russia and

Sweden and depend. do.

381,113

35,461

less

1,205,324
3,565,353
2,324,630
4,842,897
3,136,070

227,676

734,053

less

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1,764,314 greater

825,118

3,737,319

op

3,205,672
342,867
436,911

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The Imports from England were $22,755,040, from all Great Britain and dependencies $26,804,984; from France and dependencies $8,240,885; Mexico $5,235,241; Spain and dependencies $8,373,681; China $3,878,141; Brazil $2,491,460; Denmark and dependencies $1,671,218; Russia $1,621,899; Argentine Repub. lic $1,431,883; Sweden and dependencies $1,398,640; Netherlands and dependencies $1,356,765; Colombia $1,120,075; Portugal and dependencies $471,643; Turkey, Levant and Egypt $417,392; Hanse Towns, &c. $1,873,278; Hayti $1,587,140; Cuba $5,577,230.

During the same time there was imported, of Gold Bullion $115,267; of Silver do. $1,049,343; Specie Gold $705,879; Silver $6,285,475.-Total $8,155,964. There was imported of Raw Silk $119,074.

Of Iron manufactured there were imported $3,372,146, subject to ad. valorem; $2,291,284 specific, among which were bar and bolt Iron hammered 68,752,943 pounds; rolled 138,981 lbs. nails and spikes 651,577 lbs. castings 1,157,256 lbs. sheet and hoop 2,326,796 lbs. pigs 22,499 lbs.

Of Wool unmanufactured 669,883 lbs. manufactures
of wool $5,332,579, do. of cotton $7,862,326.
"Of Coal 1,640,295 bushels.

Of Coffee 51,488,248 lbs. value $4,227,021.
Of Tea 8,609,415 lbs. value 2,425,018.

Of Sugar, brown, 78,576,388 lbs. value $3,985,865.
Distilled Spirits 1,692,344 gallons.

EXPORTS of foreign produce from the United States in the year ending Sept. 30, 1830.

Total value $14,387,479, of which there were entitled to drawback $11,377,046, not entitled to drawback $3,010,433.

Exports of domestic produce.

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Of these $546,020 went to Mexico; $56,173 to China; $81,332 to Brazil:$13,016 to Colombia,$249,980 to Chili; $1852 to England! $41,216 to Gibraltar! $23,782 to the British East Indies! and $6,743 to British American Colonies.

The export of Cotton was 8,147,165 lbs. of Sea Island, and 290,311,937 lbs. of other kinds. Total value $29,674,883.

The export of Flour, was 1,227,434 barrels; value $6,085,953, of which 325,120 barrels or $1,538,617 went to England, and 149,966 bbls. or $728,534 to British American Colonies; 196,736 bbls. or $1,042,853 $1,725,270 to Brazil; 127,227 bbls or $594,209 to Danish West 4,192,047 Indies: Cuba 77,598 bbls. or $367,379. 46,977,332 5,910,903

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1831.]

QUAKER OBJECTIONS AGAINST WAR.

Of Tobacco there were exported 83,810 hhds. of $5,576,365; of manufactured Tobacco and Snuff 3,228,556 lbs. or $246,747.

351

clare against every usurpation of power and authority, in opposition to the laws and government; and against all combinations, insurrections, conspiracies, and illegal assemblies: and as we are restrained from them by the

The total value of exports of foreign and domestic conscientious discharge of our duty to Almighty God, produce, was $73,849,508, of which,

"by whom Kings reign, and Princes decree justice," we hope, through his assistance and favour, to be ena$19,697,983 bled to maintain our testimony against any requisitions 15,488,692 which may be made of us, inconsistent with our reli7,213,194 gious principles, and the fidelity we owe to the King 7,627,031 and his government, as by law established; earnestly desiring the restoration of that harmony and concord 5,336,626 which have heretofore united the people of these pro4,791,644 vinces, and been attended by the divine blessing on 4,291,793 their labours. 3,791,482 Signed in, and on behalf of the said meeting, JAMES PEMBERTON, Clerk at this time.

New York Exported

Louisiana,

do

Massachusetts;

do

S. Carolina,

do

Georgia,

do

Virginia,

do

Pennsylvania,

do

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THE QUAKER OBJECTIONS TO WAR.

The testimony of the people called Quakers. Given forth by a Meeting of the Representatives of said people, in Pennsylvania and New Jersey, held at Philadelphia, the 24th day of the First Month 1775.

Having considered with real sorrow, the unhappy contest between the legislature of Great Britain and the people of these colonies and the animosities consequent thereon; we have, by repeated public advices and private admonitions, used our endeavours to dissuade the members of our religious society from joining with the public resolutions, promoted and entered into by some of the people, which, as we apprehended, so we now find, have increased contention, and produced great discord and confusion.

The Divine Principle of Grace and Truth which we profess, leads all who attend to its dictates, to demean themselves as peaceable subjects, and to discountenance and avoid every measure tending to excite disaffection to the King, as supreme magistrate, or to the legal authority of his government; to which purpose many of the late political writings and addresses to the people appearing to be calculated, we are led by a sense of duty to declare our entire disapprobation of themtheir spirit and temper being not only contrary to the nature and precepts of the gospel, but destructive of the peace and harmony of civil society, disqualifies men in these times of difficulty, for the wise and judicious consideration and promoting of such measures as would be most effectual for reconciling differences, or obtaining the redress of grievances.

From our past experience of the clemency of the King and his royal ancestors, we have grounds to hope and believe, that decent and respectful addresses from those who are vested with legal authority, representing the prevailing dissatisfactions and the cause of them, would avail towards obtaining relief, ascertaining and establishing the just rights of the people, and restoring the public tranquility: and we deeply lament that contrary modes of proceeding have been pursued, which have involved the colonies in confusion, appear likely to produce violence and bloodshed, and threaten the subversion of the constitutional government, and of that liberty of conscience, for the enjoyment of which, our ancestors were induced to encounter the manifold dangers and difficulties of crossing the seas, and of settling in the wilderness.

The ancient testimony and principles of the people callea Quakers, renewed, with respect to the King and Government; and touching the commotions now prevail. ing in these and other parts of America: addressed to the people in general.

A religious concern for our friends and fellow subjects of every denomination, and more especially for those of all ranks, who, in the present commotions, duces us earnestly to beseech every individual in the are engaged in public employments and stations, inmost solemn manner, to consider the end and tendency of the measures they are promoting; and on the most impartial enquiry into the state of their minds, carefully to examine whether they are acting in the fear of God, and in conformity to the precepts and doctrine of our Lord Jesus Christ, whom we profess to believe in, and that by him alone we expect to be saved from our sins.

The calamities and afflictions which now surround us, should, as we apprehend, affect every mind with the most awful considerations of the dispensations of Divine Providence to mankind in general in former ages; and that as the sins and iniquities of the people subjected them to grievous sufferings, the same causes still produce the like effects.

The inhabitants of these provinces were long signally favoured with peace and plenty: Have the returns of true thankfulness been generally manifest? Have integrity and godly simplicity been maintained, and religiously regarded? Hath a religious care to do justly, love mercy, and walk humbly been evident? Hath the precept of Christ, to do unto others as we would they should do unto us, been the governing rule of our conduct? Hath an upright impartial desire to prevent the slavery and oppression of our fellow-men, and to restore them to their natural right, to true Chris. tian liberty, been cherished and encouraged? Or have pride, wantonness, luxury, profaneness, a partial spirit, and forgetfulness of the goodness and mercies of God, become lamentably prevalent? Have we not, therefore, abundant occasion to break off our sins by righteousness, and our iniquities by shewing mercy to the poor; and with true contrition and abasement of soul, to humble ourselves, and supplicate the Almighty Preserver of men, to shew favour, and to renew unto us a state of tranquillity and peace? Mat. vii, 12. Daniel iv. 27.

It is our fervent desire that this may soon appear to be the pious resolution of the people in general, of all ranks and denominations: then may we have a well grounded hope, that wisdom from above, which is pure, peaceable, and full of mercy and good fruits, will preside and govern in the deliberations of those who, in these perilous times, undertake the transaction of the most important public affairs; and that by their steady We are, therefore, incited by a sincere concern for care and endeavours, constantly to act under the influthe peace and welfare of our country, publicly to de-ences of this wisdom, those of inferior stations will be

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incited diligently to pursue those measures which make for peace, and tend to the reconciliation of contending parties, on principles dictated by the spirit of Christ, who 'came not to destroy men's lives, but to save them,' Luke ix. 56. James iii. 17.

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tion; having ground to hope that the divine favour and blessing will attend them.

"It hath ever been our judgment and principle, since we were called to profess the light of Christ Jesus, manifested in our consciences, unto this day, We are so fully assured that these principles are the that the setting up, and putting down kings and governmost certain and effectual means of preventing the ex-ments, is God's peculiar prerogative; for causes best treme misery and desolations of wars and bloodshed, known to himself. and that it is not our business to that we are constrained to intreat all those who profess have any hand or contrivance therein; nor to be busyfaith in Christ, to manifest that they really believe in bodies above our station, much less to plot and contrive him, and desire to obtain the blessings he pronounced the ruin, or overturn any of them; but to pray for the to the makers of peace. Mat. v. 9. king, and safety of our nation, and good of all men: that we may lead a peaceable and quiet life, in all godliness and honesty, under the government which God is pleased to set over us." Ancient Testimony, 1696, in SË WELL'S History.

His spirit ever leads to seek and improve every opIportunity of promoting peace and reconciliation; and constantly to remember, that as we really confide in him, he can, in his own time, change the hearts of all men in such manner, that the way to obtain it hath been often opened, contrary to every human prospect or expectation. Ex. xii. 29 and 41. xiv. 30. 2 Kings vi. 17. vii. 6. Esther iii. to vii. Isa. xxxvii. 36. May we, therefore, heartily and sincerely unite in supplications to the Father of mercies, to grant the plentiful effusions of his Spirit to all, and in an especial manner to those in superior stations, that they may, with sincerity, guard against and reject all such measures and councils, as may increase and pepetuate the discord, animosities, and unhappy contentions which now sorrowfully abound.

We cannot but, with distressed minds, beseech all such, in the most solemn and awful manner, to consider that, if by their acting and persisting in a proud, selfish spirit, and not regarding the dictates of true wisdom, such measures are pursued as tend to the shedding of innocent blood; in the day when they and all men shall appear at the judgment seat of Christ, to receive a reward according to their works, they will be excluded from his favour, and their portion will be in everlasting misery. See Mat. xxv. 41. 2 Cor. v. 10.

The peculiar evidence of divine regard manifested to our ancestors, in the founding and settlement of these provinces, we have often commemorated, and desire ever to remember, with true thankfulness and reverent admiration.

When we consider, that at the time they were persecuted and subjected to severe sufferings, as a people unworthy the benefits of religious or civil society, the hearts of the king and rulers, under whom they thus suffered, were inclined to grant them these fruitful countries, and entrust them with charters of very extensive powers and privileges.-That on their arrival here, the minds of the natives were inclined to receive them with great hospitality and friendship, and to cede to them the most valuable part of their land on very easy terms. That while the principles of justice and mercy continued to preside, they were preserved in tranquility and peace, free from the desolating calamities of war; and their endeavours were wonderfully blessed and prospered; so that the saying of the wisest of kings was signally verified to them, "When a man's ways please the Lord, he maketh even his enemies to be at peace with him." Prov. xvi. 7.

May we therefore firmly unite in the abhorrence of all such writings and measures, as evidence a desire and design to break off the happy connection we have heretofore enjoyed with the kingdom of Great Britain, and our just and necessary subordination to the king, and that thus the repeated solemn declarations made on this those who are lawfully placed in authority under him; subject, in the addresses sent to the king on behalf of the people of America in general, may be confirmed, and remain to be our firm and sincere intentions to observe and fulfil.

Signed in and on behalf of a meeting of the Representatives of our religious Society, in Pennsylvania and New Jersey, held in Philadelphia, the 20th day of the first month 1776.

JOHN PEMBERTON, Clerk.

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We publish this week two Quaker Proclamations, as documents of some importance in explaining the grounds upon which the society of Friends abstained from engaging in the war of the revolution. One of these Proclamations, signed by James Pemberton as clerk, was issued by a meeting, held at Philadelphia The benefits, advantages, and favour, we have ex-in 1775, and the other in the following year. They perienced by our dependence on, and connection with the kings and government, under which we have enjoyed this happy state, appear to demand from us the greatest circumspection, care, and constant endeavors, to guard against every attempt to alter, or subvert that dependence and connection.

The scenes lately presented to our view, and the prospect before us, we are sensible, are very distressing and discouraging. And though we lament that such amicable measures, as have been proposed, both here and in England, for the adjustment of the unhappy contests subsisting, have not yet been effectual; nevertheless, we should rejoice to observe the continuance of mutual peaceable endeavours for effecting a reconcilia

confirm the conclusive defence of that sect by Mr. Tyson, in his late Discourse before the Pennsylvania Historical Society, published in this paper the week before last. We take the liberty of recommending to our readers, to compare the luminous view taken by Mr. Tyson in the text and appendix, with the actual reasons avowed in these documents for the neutrality of Friends. The censure which has been cast upon their motives for not taking part in the revolutionary war, being there proved to be unfounded, we hope the historian of that era will do justice to them.

HAZARD'S

REGISTER OF PENNSYLVANIA.

DEVOTED TO THE PRESERVATION OF EVERY KIND OF USEFUL INFORMATION RESPECTING THE STATE.

EDITED BY SAMUEL HAZARD.

VOL. VIII.-NO. 23. PHILADELPHIA, DECEMBER 3, 1831. NO.205.

FROM THE NATIONAL GAZETTE.

BANK OF THE UNITED STATES.

security is in the excellence of the workmanship, so that few artists can imitate it-and then in the diligent pursuit and punishment of the counterfeiters. AcThe publication which we recently made, of the opin-cordingly, no considerable Bank in Europe requires its ion of the Circuit Court of Pennsylvania, establishing The Bank of the perfect legality of Branch drafts of the Bank of the United States, and the power of the Courts to punish counterfeiters of them, has led us to enquire into the nature of those drafts, which we have now the means of explaining to the entire satisfaction, we are sure, of all the community.

notes to be signed by the chief officers.
England had, for its one pound bank notes alone, no
less than one hundred and thirty signers.

Finding it impossible to accomplish the object of its creation, the Directors of the Bank stated the difficulty to Congress-and in the year 1823 a committee recommended the passage of a law to authorize the signature It appears that there was a doubt whether under the by other officers. But no bill was ever introduced, charter, bank notes, properly so called, ought to be nor was the report called up or acted upon in any way. issued by the Bank without the signature of the PresiThe subject was again presented in 1827, but never dent and Cashier. The right of the Bank to issue went beyond the committee room. The Bank having notes not signed by these officers, that is, the right of done all its duty by submitting the difficulty to Conbinding itself to pay money by notes signed by any gress, then had to decide whether the business of the persons duly authorized to sign them, could not be country should be suffered to stagnate, and itself bequestioned, but then there was danger that a rigid con come abortive, or whether it could find an efficient struction of the clause against counterfeiting would not remedy for this defect among its other powers. This apply to such notes, and they might perhaps be counwas readily found. The 18th section against counterterfeited with impunity. Their issue, therefore, though feiters embraces the case of counterfeiting "any order legal, might be attended with some danger to the comor check on the said Bank or Corporation or any Cashmunity. On the other hand, to confine the issues of the ier thereof." The checks from the Branches on the Bank to notes signed by the President and Cashier, Parent Bank are then protected against forgery, and as would be to defeat the main purpose for which the each Branch would thus supply what was wanted by institution was created-the supply of an adequate the community in its neighbourhood, the necessary circulating medium. This may be easily seen. The amount would in this way be furnished, of paper which presiding officer of a Bank with twenty-five branches, could not be counterfeited. Many of the Branches are who is at the same time Commissioner of Loans and therefore authorized, in case their customers want paPension Agent, finds in his own appropriate duties of per of a small denomination, to give them these small supervision, daily employment sufficient to occupy and drafts. This is confined to the smaller circulation, for To all the notes of a large denomination continued to be these duties is added the mechanical labor of signing signed exclusively by the President and Cashier of the his name to some millions of notes. The total amount Parent Bank. The advantages of these drafts are, first, of notes in circulation is about eighteen or nineteen-that in this way the community can obtain what they millions of dollars. The wear and tear of these is so great in such an extensive field of circulation, that many millions become constantly unfit for further use and are cancelled. From time to time, too, a particular plate is counterfeited; and then the whole impression must be withdrawn, and a new emission made from a new plate.

exhaust the most active mind and robust frame.

can obtain in no other way, a small circulation universally receivable throughout the U. States; second, that the party who asks for them-and none are of course given but to those who ask--generally knows the signatures of the officers of the Branches better than he does those of the Parent Bank, and can more easily change and renew them; and third-that they are as legal and safe, and the forgery of them as punishable, as if they were signed by the President of the Bank himself.

All this was to be done by a single individual after his more urgent daily duties were finished. It became, This course seemed to be a very obvious mode of retherefore, physically impossible to supply the circulation. For instance, the circulation is about 19 millions. pairing the defect. But least, by any possibility, there If this officer were to sign 500 notes a day-a large might be an objection to it, the plan was submitted to allowance considering his other duties-for every day three of the must eminent jurists in the Union, Mr. Binin the year including Sundays, it would take him near-ney, Mr, Webster, and Mr. Wirt, the Attorney Generno difficulty in it, and recommended its ly six years to sign five millions of dollars in five dollar al, who saw notes, and before he reached the end of the five millions, adoption. Their opinion closes in this way. the first three millions would be worn out and require renewal. This, moreover, would be wholly useless if it were possible. There is no more security against counterfeiting in one man's name than in another; and there is great insecurity in this practice, because if counterfeiters succeed in imitating a particular rote, it is impossible to withdraw it from circulation, because the individual cannot sign notes fast enough to replace those which have been counterfeited. The security is not in the name, for almost any counterfeiter can copy any name with sufficient accuracy to deceive the general observers who compose the community. The real VOL. VIII. 45

"I am unable to discover any legal objection to the plan proposed; and since it will facilitate the exchanges of the country, and secure the Public and the Bank from frauds, it seems to me as expedient as it is lawful."

(Signed)

"I concur entirely in this opinion."
(Signed)

HOR. BINNEY.

DANL. WEBSTER.

"I can see no possible legal objection to the practice above stated, and concur entirely in the opinion." (Signed)

WM. WIRT.

354

ADDRESS OF the tariff CONVENTION.

It was afterwards explained to the Secretary of the Treasury, who had no hesitation in assenting to it. The following is a copy of his letter to the President of the Bank, dated Treasury Department, January 21, 1828.

"I have had the honor to receive your letter of the 10th inst. with its inclosures. As you state that the amount of any of the drafts to which it refers, which may be received on account of the United States, will be paid in the same manner as notes signed by the President and Cashier of the Bank, I have felt no hesitation in directing that such drafts be taken in ments to the United States. The specimens which accompanied your letter are herewith enclosed. "I have the honor to remain very respectfully your obedient servant, R. RUSH."

(Signed)

ADDRESS OF THE

[DECEMBER

FRIENDS OF DOMESTIC INDUSTRY, Assembled in Convention at New York, Oct. 26, 1831,

TO THE

PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES, [Continued from page 342.]

You are next invited to examine the subject in its conpay-nexion with the principles of an enlightened political economy. The system which we maintain rests upon the following principles:

Under these sanctions, the Bank has continued for years to issue these drafts, to the great convenience of the community. It remained only that some case should occur to present the matter to the cognizance of the judiciary. This was done in the recent trial of Shelmíre, where the Court recognized at once the legality of these drafts, and the counterfeiter of them was duly convicted. Judge Baldwin, in delivering the opinion of the Court, said

"There is no pretence that there is any express or implied prohibition making them unlawful." And again: "It is in our opinion no answer to these views that the law has not expressly authorised the officers of the Branches to draw on the Bank. It is enough for this point that they are not prohibited from doing so. It is an act indispensable to the transaction of their ordinary business in order to meet the wants of the public and others."-Again: "It is a matter of mutual convenience, whether the old debt or duty shall be extinguished by payment or taking paper, whether in the promissory notes of the Bank, or orders or checks drawn upon it. They may be in large drafts or orders for remittance, or small ones for currency or circulation, and in any form, with or without ornaments, devices or marks."-And again: "We are bound to declare them to be within the words, spirit and meaning of the law, equally with the notes of the Bank, or the checks or orders of individuals."

The result of the whole affair is simply this: The Bank finding it impossible to furnish the necessary amount of currency, so long as all its notes were signed by one single person, sought some other mode of accomplishing the object. They might have employed other persons to sign the notes for the President and Cashier, but then perhaps the forgery of them might not be punished. The power of punishing for forged drafts was certain. Accordingly, instead of notes, drafts were substituted. These drafts were advised by emihent lawyers-agreed to by the Treasury Department and sanctioned by the Courts. They furnish a sound and universal circulating medium not otherwise obtain able, and the highest praise which can be bestowed on them is the very complaint of the person who has most objected to them:-"Circulating," says he, "as notes, and considered every where equal to gold and silver (because they are voluntarily cashed at every Branch, and erroneously received at every Land Office and Custom House) they have given to the Bank its apparent prosperity." This seems to be the very model of a currency, containing all that the community could desire, and we think that the Bank should be rather applauded than reproached for affording so great and substantial a benefit to the country.

"We are told that Mr. Garrett of New-Garden, has one acre of grape vines, now three years old; that, by the advice of friends he took the fruit to Philadelphia, instead of making wine; that they were fine, attracted much attention and sold readily; and that, from the vine yard of an acre he realized about 200 dollars.—The grapes sold at from 12 to 25 cents a pound."

All the means of human enjoyment, and all the accumulations of wealth, are the product of human labor. National happiness and national wealth are, therefore, promoted in proportion to the active industry of the community; and that industry is in proportion to the inducements to labor, arising from the amount and certainty of its remuneration. The immediate instrument for calling labor into action is capital. Capital is necessary to furnish the laborer with the means of applying his labor to advantage, whether in the simple tools of agriculture and some of the mechanic arts, or in the complicated and extensive machinery, applied to certain branches of manufacture, the moderate improvements in which have added so much to the productive power of man.

It is a settled axiom, that the industry of a nation is in proportion to the capital devoted to its maintenance. It is, therefore, thought to be a wise policy to multiply the inducements to apply capital to employment of the labor at home, rather than to the purchase abroad and traffic in commodities of foreign production, by which the capital of the country is made to set in motion foreign labor. This is founded on the principle, universally admitted, that there is in every nation, a power or capability of labor beyond that actually put forth; and that its effective industry is proportioned to the stimu lus applied in the shape of capital. This constitutes the American System. It invites the application of American capital to stimulate American industry. It imposes a restriction, in the form of an impost duty, on certain products of foreign labor; but so far as relates to American capital, or American labor, it simply offers security and inducement to the one, and gives energy and vigor to the other. The purpose of the protective system being thus directed to the utmost expansion of the industry of the nation into every channel of domestic competition, it would seem to be manifestly erroneous to call such a system restrictive, inasmuch as the avenues of labor in the internal organization of any community are much more numerous and extensive, than those which belong to foreign trade: whilst on the other hand, there are no restrictions so severe upon the occupation of our citizens, and none that so irresistibly impel labor into so small a number of channels as those that are created by the capital and industry of older nations, when concentrated and brought into competition with the capital and industry of a young people, in their first attempts to possess themselves of the arts that create and accumulate wealth. A nation that is devoted to agriculture only, and is dependent upon foreign labor for its manufactures, presents the spectacle of a people whose industry is confined to the single occupation of cultivating the soil, and transporting its products abroad, and is always subject to be disturbed by the policy of those on whom it depends for the purchase of its products; but the same nation, when encouraged in the attempt to supply itself with manufactured fabrics, releases its labor from the restraints of its previous straitened condition, and is seen rapidly diversifying its pursuits until they finally cover the whole space that was originally divided between itself and the people that supplied it with the manufactures.

It is true, that a different system of political economy is maintained by a certain school of theoretical writers.

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