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ADDRESS OF THE TARIFF CONVENTION.
venue be necessary would, in a great number of cases, eign industry, under any possible necessity to exercise prove a fruitful source of vexatious and unprofitable con. it ihan upon a similar power to encourage and protect troversy. One party-conceiving it wise to improve our own. the face of their territory, with expensive roads and ca We think we have said enough to indicate the per. nals, to provide fortifications and munitions of war, and nicious tendencies of the doctrine, sustained by many accumulate treasure in the expectation of national dif. eminent citizens of our land, which inscribes the right ficulties—would find good reason to maintain that a to protect doinestic manufactures, solely to the revenue large revenue was indispensable to the nation. With power conferred by the constitution upon Congress; this party a bigh and burdensome rate of imposts, fully and have demonstrated that this error, if adopted, must adequate to the most extensive protection of manufac. lead the public functionaries into practical embarrasstures that has ever been asked for, would be a constitu- ments entirely irreconcilable with a whulesome administional application of the revenue power. Another par. tration of the laws. ty, more thrifty in their policy, holding that the expen. With a view to show that the protection of manufacditures of the government should be graduated to the turing industry is mainly referable to the power to reg. lowest practicable scale of economy, would contend that ulate commerce, and was intended to be embraced by nothing should be raised by duties above the ordinary the clause of the constitution that invests the supreme supplies necessary for the pay of the public agents. legislature with the power, in adılition to the sugges With this class all the excess, above the sum that tions that we have already made, we deem it not unthey might hold to be necessary, would be the fruit of profitable, briefly to recur to the history of the country, an unconstitutional tax, Who should judge between from which we shall derive lights, that may guide us to these conflicting opinions? If such were the limits up the most unerring conclusions, in confirmation of our on the power of Congress, it would be true, as has been doctrine. The narrative of events from 1783 to 1787, said, that there might be acts in violation of the consti. the circumstances attending the adoption of the constitution, which would elude the notice of the judicial tri. tution and the range of its early operations, whilst yet bunals; but the evident absurdity of subjecting the in the hands of its authors, afford a mass of testimony right to exercise fundamental powers to so vague and that Congress has but responded to the expectations of intangible a standard of interpretation, furnishes one of the country in so regulating trade as to furnish the rethe most satisfactory proofs, that no such intention exquisite protection to the expansion and growth of our isted in the minds of those who framed our constitution. I own labour.
Pursuing the investigation, it will be found that the The regulation of commerce was not a new term difficulty attending this notion of the source of the pro- invented by the framers of the constitution. tecting power does not end with the impracticability of was at the time of the adoption of that instrument determining upon the necessity of revenue. It goes by the people a term familiar to their apprehension and still deeper, 'It is affirmed, and no doubt with truth, impressed upon their understanding, by the strongest that a reduction of duties upon the necessaries or cus- comments that the history of oppression could furnisb. tomary luxuries of a nation frequently increases the The war of the revolution, that had just closed, revenue. In such an event the defenders of the position sprang out of the conflicts in which the subject had that the power of Congress is limited to the supply of been presented in the countless forms which an engrossa necessary revenue, will find themselves unexpectedly ing topic of complaint may be supposed to assume in put in possession of a surplus income which, according the discussions of an excited and rebelling people. The to the assumed principle, they had no right to raise; same subject had been canvassed in the British Parliaand it will be apparent that the people will be even ment, until argument and declamation were exhausted. more taxed than they were before; for the duty having the mother country had regulated the commerce of been rendered productive of a larger amount of reve. the colonies, through a series of odious and unfeeling nue to the government, a greater aggregate sum will restrictions, for more than a century, until the phrase have been taken from the pockets of the people; and it had acquired the notoriety of a hateful grievance. Sbe will then be found that Congress, instead of lessening had fettered their trade by cruel prohibitions, and con. the public burthens by their reduction of duties, will trolled their labor by systems of denial tbat reduced have only been encouraging the consumption of a great them to the lowest state of suffering; yet it is remarker quantity of the taxed article. A large consumption able, that, deeming this oppressive policy a lawful es. with a small tax being, in this case, more than equiva. ercise of the prerogative of regulating commerce, the lent to a small consumption with a large tax. And thus, colonists submitted to these evils with a resignation in spite of all the the precautions which the most scru: that indicated their sense of the duty of obedience to an pulous guardians of the constitution may exercise, the acknowledged though misused power. All manufactures public functionaries, against their will, and with the calculated to bring wealth into the country, were strictmost conscientious desire to avoid infractions of the ly forbidden; the erection of forges, for example, was law, will oftentimes be fated to discover that they have denounced as a nuisance, and these establishments were produced unconstitutional results. The only remedy liable to be abated by that name; it was declared unfor which would seem :o be to abandon this intractable lawful to export the simplest fabrics, even of shoes or mode of taxation by imposts and resort to direct taxes hats, from one province to another. Still the people upon the people.
did not deny the legality of these attempts to regulale As long, however, as such results may follow the recommerce, But when the right was assumed to collect duction of duties, it will be seen that a system which revenue in the colonies for the benefit of the mother merely increases the consumption of imported commo- country, the first assertion of such a principle was met dities without diminishing the revenue, will be, in effect, by open rebellion. The distinction was palpable the adoption of a policy for the encouragement of for- enough, to every man, between these two pretensions eign industry. And we might bere pause and ask, of authority. It is worthy of remark, that Lord Chatwhether it can be supposed that the founders of our ham, in 1765 in the British House of Commons, distinctgovernment intended to give a power to Congress to ly defined the two branches of power, in terms that adopt a scheme of policy directed to the encourage literally apply to the subject we have been discussing, ment of foreign labor by a scale of low duties, without and which show how clearly they were brought to the also allowing to that budy a right, when they found it notice of the country; "there is a plain distinction,' convenient to encourage domestic industry by a higher in his language, between taxes levied for the purpose scale of duties? Let those who answer this question of raising a revenue and duties imposed for the regulation in the affirmative, show some reason for the opinion of trade, for the accommodation of the subject; although that the convention which framed the constitution in the consequences, some revenue might incidentally should set more value upon a power to encourage for- larise from the latter."' Indeed, the whole tenor of the
ADDRESS OF THE TARIFF CONVENTION.
public discussion on those subjects, so rife at that peri- ted by all. Some articles were taxed for revenue only; od throughout England and America, furnishes the some for protection only; and some for both. The most conclusive evidence that a specified idea was at published debates show all this, and, we have already tached to the phrase incorporated into our constitution, said, every Congress, from that day to this, has recog. and that its scope was to include the idea of levyingduties nized the same power. Every President, beginning in such a form as to encourage and protect, or, at least, with him who is justly esteemed the Father of his Counto control and direct the growth of domestic industry. try, bas sanctioned it, and most of them have recom
The complaints against the articles of confederation, mended its exercise, in earnest terms. Indeed, it has for which the constitution was substituted, embraced, been constantly exercised; protection has been given among other things, an objection to the forms by which by the registry acts; it has been given by the tonnage the legislation in reference to the regulation of com- duty acts; it has been given by the acts regulating the merce was impeded; and it was a prominent design of coasting trade; it has been given to the fisheries; it has the new constitution to remedy this defect. The right been given to the cotton of Carolina; to the coal of Vir. to lay even prohibitory duties was freely admitted in ginia; to tbe hemp of Kentucky; to the lead of Missouri the discussion upon the constitution; and we may safely and Illinois; to the sugar of Louisiana, to the iron of the affirm that the whole nation, at that day, regarded such middle, western and southern States; and it has been a power as one of the necessary conclusions from the given to the various artizans, mechanics and manufacgrant that had been made. The subsequent action of turers. It is now forty-two years since this system of the government corroborates this idea. The first ap- protection began, and it has never been intermitted or proaches of the people to their new rulers were made suspended, with regard to many commodities, for a in behalf of the exercise of a protecting power in favor single hour. Is all this legislation now to be deemed of their industry. They spoke of the injury they had unconstitutional? Are all these interests to be brought sustained under the former order of things; of the ruin- into jeopardy, and perhaps to ruin, upon this modern ous competition to which the policy of the mother coun- construction of the constitution? try bad exposed them; and demanded the establishment Not only has Congress thus constantly exercised this of a system of measures that should accomplish their fa- power, but it has thought itself, from the first, ander vorite purpose of creating a vigorous domestic manufac- peculiar obligations to exercise it. It has considered ture. The unrestrained admission of British goods bad re- that it would be guilty of a plain breach of duty if it duced our manufactures and artizans to absolute want: should not exercise it; and so it was declared in its first thefree entry of British shipping had expelled our ves session. This policy was more earnestly enforced upon sels from the ocean. From Charleston to Boston this con. Congress because the States had surrendered their dition of things was the subject of one loud and continu- whole power on this question, and were themselves, ed remonstrance; and the remedy for it was a promi- probibited from exercising it by the constitution itself; nent object in the establishment of a new general gov- since as they could not, as separate states, exercise it ernment. The ship builders and the ship-owners com- well, it was taken away from them and vested in the plained that foreign bottoms brought to the country all national legislature. It was said, therefore, and said that was imported, to their ruin; and they besought truly, that it would be a fraud upon the States, if Contheir fellow citizens to join them in measures of pro- gress, now the sole possessor of the power, should retection. The manufacturers and mechanics declared fuse to exercise it. The constitution had declared, that that it was of little importance to them in what bottoms no State should lay any duty except for the mere purarticles were imported, since this unrestricted importa-pose of enforcing its inspection laws. Is it conceivable, tion, in whatever bottoms, threatened to reduce them to that the people would agree to deprive their own state starvation. Both bad applied to their own state gov- governments of the power of protecting manufactures, ernments for redress, but these governments, from want by suitable regulations of trade, without consent of Conof concert, could give no effectual relief.
Attempts gress, for any other reasons than because this power had been made to amend the articles of confederation was intentionally transferred to the general Governfor the very purpose of conferring this power upon Con- ment? The doctrine now advanced, imputes the stronggress; but these attempts had failed. Hence it was est absurdity, both to the framers of the constitution that the establishment of the present government was and to the people. It supposes them, instead of crehailed with the utmost enthusiasm and celebrated in the ating a new remedy for acknowledged evils, to have principal cities, by all classes, with manifestations of for ever abolished the poor but only remedy which alreahope and joy.
dy existed. It supposes, that instead of giving to ConThe earliest legislation of the new government avows gress, as was their avowed design, effectual power, to and adopts the principles for which we have been con- protect manufactures, they did no more than prohibit tending. The first important act on the statute book the States from exercising that power, and existinguish contains the following preamble;-'Whereas it is ne it as a thing to be deprecated everywhere and altogethcessary for the support of government and the encourage er. It supposes them to have imposed new shackles ment and prolection of manufactures that duties be laid on their own limbs, and to have surrendered themselves, on goods and merchandize.' This preamble was writ. thus voluntarily bound, to the mercy of their foreign ten, supported and passed by those who had come re. competitors and rivals. We cannot yield our assent to cently from the convention where the Constitution had opinions which ascribe purposes like these, or a policy been formed. They were carrying into effect their like this, either to the Convention, or to the people. own instrument. They seem, indeed,- for preambles It only remains for us to add, that the public judge are quite unusual,—to have introduced this for the pur- ment has, at all times, affirmed the existence of this pose of shewing the country that its expectations would power, and approved its exercise. Even at this mobe fulfilled, and that the manufactures of the nation ment, there is no reason to doubt that nine-lenths of would be protected. If, therefore, the existing laws all the people hold the power to be constitutional. It violate the constitution, the original act violated it. If is therefore, not only against the words of the constituthis character of right be marred now, it was marred tion, against the manifest design of the nation in estab. then, and marred by those who made it.
lishing it, against the uniform sense of Congress in passIf protection be unconstitutional, this law carries un- ing laws under it, against the practice of forty years, constitutionality in its front; and yet not one member never stayed or suspended, against the opinion of of the first Congress appears to have thought in uncon- every tribunal in the country, as far as we are informed; stitutional. In the whole course of the debates, pro- but it is also against the entire conviction of a vast matracted through several weeks, no one expressed a jority of the people themselves, that these new, and doubt of the power of Congress to lay duties for protec-wliat we think' dangerous opinions, are now brought tion; we may therefore affirm that the power was admit- forward as the true doctrines of the constitution.
TRADE OF THE SUSQUEHANNA.
It is an error to suppose that the regulation of com- of that nature. That consent, therefore, is intended to merce should necessarily imply the denial of a right to be given, if it be ever asked, from a conviction of the restrict, diminish or prohibit any particular branch of it. beneficial effect expected to be produced in the state The suppression of any trade, injurious to the commu- that levies the duty-or in other words, of its value as nity, is as much a national concern, and as valuable ad a protection to state labor. With such a power on the exercise of power, as the encouragement of other branch- part of Congress to permit a protective system to be es; and, indeed, in practice it must often occur that enacted in the states severally, it would seem to be a the conferring of special advantages upon one branch of solecism to suppose that the exercise of a similar pow. trade may operate partially to the disadvantage of all er was intended to be denied to the national legislature others. Such is often the effect of treaties that reserve itself, to whom has been emphatically entrusted the to the vessels of particular nations free entry to our ports; whole complicated and interesting concern of regulatthe commerce with such nations is promoted to the ing commerce. diminution of trade with others not embraced in the In dismissing this review of the principles and prac: privilege. This, however, is a lawful, just and profita- tice of our government in their relations to an important ble regulation of commerce. Commerce includes all constitutional right, we take the occasion to say that we kinds of traffic, whether sustained upon the ocean in contemplate the character of the present opposition to ships, or transported upon roaJs, rivers or canals: wheth- what we have endeavoured to exhibit as the legitimate er it belong to the system of domestic exchanges, or is powers of Congress, with regret; and if we could per conversant with the occupations of foreign countries; suade ousrelves that it was destined to command the asand it is the appropriate function of Congress to regu- sent of any large portions of our population, we would late it in such a manner as their wisdom may dictate, say that we view it not without alarm. This opposition unlimited by any restraints except those which the con- appeals not to the discretion of Congress; it seeks no stitution imposes on the power over the domestic inter modification, nor qualification, but demands an entire course of the states. The regulation of our commerce and absolute surrender of the principle. It is for the with the Indian tribes has subjected the traffic, from American people to decide whether this surrender can time to time, to all such restrictions as the national be made. For ourselves, we do not scruple to declare legislature found it prudent to adopt; and yet this right that in our opinion, to give up this power would be to of regulation has passed unquestioned, though it has give up the constitution. If Congress be stripped of been directly exercised to the diminution of any species this prerogative and the restriction against ils exercise of traffic that has been considered buriful.
be still imposed upon the states, it is quite plain to It is nothing more than a regulation of commerce our apprehension, that the doom of our happy and to sbape our policy, in reference to our intercourse prosperous constitution is sealed. We consider this with foreign nations, by such rule as sball increase the question, Iberefore, as vital; and we look to the perproducts of our own labour to any amount that may ren- petuation of the power which we have labored to deder them also the subjects of a foreign trade, and there. fend, and its just exercise, to be indispensable to the by extend our commerce to new regions, and give it preservation of that government which has conferred to new accumulations of commodities. The agricultural the people of these states innumerable blessings. products of a nation are not the only elements of its
[To be Continued.] trade; its manufactures may be as desirable to foreign communities, and their transportation and exchange SOSQUEHANNAH TRADE. —That a vast proportion of may become fully as valuable foundations of a rapid, the product of that extensive, rich and densely populo enlarged and profitable commerce. Why, then, should ted district of country bordering on the Lakes in the the power to regulate commerce be supposed to be neighborhood of the sources of the Susquehanna in the arrested at that middle point between the prosecution state of New York, is destined to be rendered tributary of an old trade and the commencement of a new one to the market of Philadelphia by the immediate comthat may eventually, be rendered more expansive, use- pletion of the great connecting link, the Central Rail ful and productive than any other? Such a restraint Road, will be strikingly obvious on the slightest inspecwould seem to be utterly incompatible with the genius tion of the map of that region, and a brief consideraand character of any vigorous community, but especial- tion of the advantages of transporation which will then ly with that of a young and healthy nation.
be afforded.—The Chemung Canal and Ithaca and Before we leave this branch of our inquiry, we are Oswego Rail Road, connecting Seneca and Cayuga anxious to present the constitutional question in one Lakes with the Susquehanna, will pertect the links of more point of view. The besi expositor of the consti- intercommunication with that magnificent stream whose tution is that instrument itself.
waters will roll the products of the adjoining territory, The tenth section of the first article of the constitu. accumulating as they advance to the point of debarkation provides that “no state shall, without the consent of tion, whence they are to be conveyed to Philadelphia. Congress, lay any imposts or duties on imports or exports, already are the inhabitants of the neighborhood of Ithaexcept what may be absolutely necessary for executing ca endeavoring to anticipate this obvious result. A its inspection laws." The limitation which is here set up- meeting bas been recently held in the aforesaid place on the legislation of the states is within the controul of and resolutions adopted expressive of the propriety of Congress. The consent of that body releases any state constructing a rail road from Ithaca to the North River, from the restriction expressed in this clause; and conse- called an extension of the Ithaca and Oswego rail road. quently Congress may permit either or all of the states Should this design prove successful, their intercourse separately, to levy such duty upon imports as they may with the city of New York will be established on a think convenient: it may allow the state of South Caro- footing superior not only to their present circuitous melina, for example, to enact a tariff of the highest rates dium, but also to any which can hereafter be offered to of duties, directed exclusively to the protection of any another market. Now is the period for exertion on the branch of industry that she may wish to foster. It will be part of those who are interested in securing the comobserved that the terms of this clause of the con merce of that region. The local advantages now in stitution absolutely forbid the idea that such a power is possession of our state metropolis must be immediately to be exercised for revenue. The state that imposes brought into practical operation or partially relinquishthe duty is inbibited from taking the avails into its own ed forever. The alternate is one which should waken treasury, but must pay them over to the general gov. our energies. The ever restless and enterprising disernment; whilst that government, on the other hand, position of the inhabitants of our sister state is too well bas the fullest power to levy and collect its own reve- known to prevent us to doubt the seriousness of their nues, and consequently cannot be presumed to yield intentions or the resources which may be called into its consent to the state enactment upon considerations action for its accomplishment. Their capabilities, judg
ing from the past, are limitless. Miner's Journal
384206 493707 Average Crop, 1983000 6 Population, 590000 360892
438052 2 Population, 245000 Consumption, 5310000 200043 270378
114966 Consumption, 2205000 96909 151894 Export,
493707 Average Crop, 5701000 231543 383758
Average Crop, 26990007 Population, 729000 911403 (1309943
3 Population, 336000 Consumption, 6561000 182281 264809
429809 Consumption, 3024000 186858 399168 Export, 261809 Average Crop, 6991000 198469
233495 Average Crop, 3286000 8 Population, 898000 8858 97553
Lumber Trd. commenced 263178 451302
Consumption, 8082000 4 Population, 395000 Export,
741000 820258 1477358
Consumption, 3555000 Average Crop, 80823000 164051 295473 Export,
295473 Assuming 1,8000,000
as Export for 1831.
2585 Average Crop, 3850000
The crop of 1830 was nearly, perhaps quite 10,-
In 1831, about one-fifth more 000
seed is supposed to have been sown, but the produce
was not generally so great in proportion as in 1830— 145660 335895 hence this year's crop is variously estimated: some cal401791
554506 ling it only equal to last, others about one-tenth more, 37895 98325 or according to our figure, 10,000,000 to 11,000,000 319048 535893 bushels. 318483 431658
743400 1222877 1956277
* Note.-1802 to 1830 are from official returns, 1793 1801, are given in round numbers, and are sufficiently accurate for all purposes.
PROCEEDINGS OF FREE TRADE CONVENTION. Banks, William H. Roane, James Lyons, John Tabb, (Continued from page 261.)
James Jones, Thomas T. Giles, Archibald Bryce, Jr.
James Magruder, Benjamin H. Magruder, William Sixth Day-Friday, October 7th, 1831. Daniel, Jr. S. H. Davis, Littleton Upsher. At 10 o'clock, the President took the Chair, when
North Carolina-Joseph B. Skinner, Louis D. Wil. the minutes of the preceding session were read,
son, James Iredall, William R. Holt, Joseph B. G. The Hon.C.C.Cambreling, and Mr. Wm. B. Lawrence,
Roulhac, William A. Blount, Joseph D. White, S. T. were invited to take seats within the bar of the Sawyer, David Outlaw, Thomas S. Hoskins, John E. Convention,
Wood, J. W. Cochran, Nathaniel Brewer. The President then announced the order of the day
South Carolina-Zachariah P. Herdon, James G, to be, that this Convention do resolve itself into a Com. Spann,
F. W. Davie, James Cuthbert, Thomas Pickney, mitte of the whole, for the purpose of taking into con- T. D. Singleton, William Butler, Joseph W. Allston, sideration the Address to the People of the United Henry N. Gruger, Charles Macbeth, Henry C. Young, States, reported from the General Committee.
A. P. Butler, H. A. Middleton, Thomas R. Mitchell, Mr. Berrien of Georgia, moved that the Committee W. Wilkinson, Philip Tidyman, Stephen D. Miller, of the Whole be discharged from the further considera- William Pope, Job Johnston, John D. Edwards, John tion of the said Address; which motion was seconded Carter, Langdon Cheves, Joseph E Jenkins, Hugh by Mr. Cheves of South Carolina, and on the question Wilson, J. H. Glover, T. Pickney Alston, Edward being taken, was agreed to.
Richardson, William Harper, William C. Preston, The President then stated that the Address to the Daniel E. Huger, Hugh S. Legare, John Taylor, Thomson People of United States was before the Convention. T. Player, J. Berkley Grimball, James Rose, William Mr. Gallatin, of New York, moved to amend the said Smith, Thomas Williams, Jr. Thomas Flemming, Joho
Fraser. Address, by striking out that part thereof which com. mences with the words, " In justice to that body," in
Georgia-Eli S. Shorter, Robert Habersham, Alexanparagraph fifth, and which terminates with the words, der Telfair, John Cumming, Seaborn Jones,J. Macpher"stand upon our chartered rights?” at the end of the son Berrien. eighth paragraph.
Alabama—John A. Elmore, Benajah S. Bibb, Enoch Upon this motion, the yeas and nays were called by Parsons, Alfred V. Scott, John W. Moore, Howell many members, and were as follows,
Rose, P. Waters, Henry Goldthwaite, Ward Taylor,
Archibald P. Baldwin, William J. Mason.
Mississippi, George Poindexter.
159. New York-Jonathan Goodhue, Thomas R. Mercein,
Yeas 35–Nays 159. John A. Stevens, Isaac Carow, John Constable, James So the motion to strike out was not agreed to. Boorman, George Griswold, Benjamin L. Swan, George Mr. Jounson, of South Carolina, then moved to amend
T. Trimble, Zebedee Ring, Albert Gallatin, Jacob Lo- the Address, by striking out from the seventh para. rillard, James G. King, Charles H. Russell, Isaac Bron- graph, these words, they admit the power of Congress son, James Heard, Silas M. Stilwell.
to lay and collect such duties as they may deem neces. New Jersey-c. L. Hardenbergh, J. C. Van Dyck, sary for the purposes of revenue, and within these limits
, J. Bayard Kirkpatrick, Miles C. Smith, Henry Clow, so to arrange those duties as incidentally, and to that Henry Vethake, John R. Thomson, R. F. Stockton.
extent, to give protection to the manufacturer. They Pennsylvania-Edward D. Ingraham, Samuel Spack. deny the right to convert what they denominate the inman, Thomas P. Cope.
cidental, into the principal power, and transcending the Maryland-George Hoffinan, John J. Donalson.
limits of revenile, to impose an additional duty, substanNorth Carolina, Edward B. Dudley.
tively and exclusively for the purpose of affonding that South Carolina—Henry Middleton.-35.
Mr. WATERS, of Alabama, moved to amend the Maine-Joshua Carpenter, Charles Q. Clapp, S. H. amendment, so as to strike out only the words "30 to arMudge.
range those duties as"--which would leave the language Massachusetts-Henry Lee, T. S. Pomeroy, Samuel of the Address thus: “They admit the power of ConSwett, Gideon Tucker, John L. Gardner, George Pea gress to lay and collect such duties as they may deem body, Pickering Dodge, Isaac Newhall, Henry Williams, necessary for the purposes of revenue, and, within these Edward Cruft, William Goddard, Ebenezer Breed, limits, incidentally, and to that extent, to give protecThomas P. Bancroft, John Pickens.
tion to the manufacturer.” New York-Preserved Fish, John Leonard, Edwin Some debate having arisen on this amendment, Mr. Bergh, H. Kneeland.
Edwards, of South Carolina, asked if it would be in New Jersey-John Potter.
order to call for the previous question, but the PresiPennsylvania—Joseph R. Evans, George Emlen, dent decided that, according to Parliamentary proceedClement C. Biddle, J. M. Barclay, E. Littell, Samuel ings, such a motion would not be in order, although it F. Smith, Isaac W. Norris, Richard Price, Henry R. would be in order according to the rules of the House Watson, John A. Brown, Philip H. Nicklin, Condy Ra- of Representatives of the United States. guet, William McIlhenney.
Mr. EDWARDS then moved that the rules of Congress Maryland-William W. Handy, Arnold D. Jones. should be adopted for this occasion; but the President Virginia,Philip P. Barbour, Henry E. Watkins, decided that no question not immediately relating to Richard Booker, James M. Garnett, Samuel L. Vena. the subject of the Address, could now be submitted, ble, Thomas R. Dew, Walker Hawes, Philip A. Dew, without a departure from Parliamentary order. John Brockenbrough, Thomas Miller, William G. Over Mr. Lyons, of Virginia,'then moved to lay the amendton, George C. Dromgoole, Randolph Harrison, Charles ment, with the Address, on the table, for the present, Yancey, Robert Hurt, Ferdinand W. Risque, Malcolm Which motion was not agreed to. Macfarland, Thomas W. Gilmer, Burwell Bassett, H. Mr. Johnston then stated that, as he had accomplishR. Anderson, Josiah Ellis, Charles Everett, Alex. Gor- ed his object by having his motion recorded on the don Knox, George M. Payne, James S. Brander, Willi- journal, he would now withdraw it; and this baving am Maxwell, Benjamin F. Dabney, R. O. Grayson, S. accordingly been done, the amendment proposed by A. Storrow, Charles Cocke, John W. Jones, William Mr. Waters was no longer before the Convention. 0. Goode, William Townes, John Dickinson, William The question baving been put by the Presidenz, B. Rogers, William P. Taylor, John H. Bernard, Lina Shall the Address be adopted?