HAZARD'S REGISTER OF PENNSYLVANIA. DEVOTED TO THE PRESERVATION OF EVERY KIND OF USEFUL INFORMATION RESPECTING THE STATE. EDITED BY SAMUEL HAZARD. VOL. VIII.-NO. 16. PHILADELPHIA, OCTOBER 15, 1831. NO. 198. From the Philadelphia Gazette. FREE TRADE CONVENTION. FRIDAY, Sept. 30th. At 12 o'clock, Mr. JOSEPH R. EVANS, of Philadelphia, called the meeting to order, and moved that Col. BORWELL BASSETT of Virginia should take the Chair as chairman pro tempore. The motion was unanimously adopted. Mr. THEODORE SEDGWICK, of Massachusetts, then moved that the delegation from each state, appoint two of their number as a committee to nominate a President and other officers, to be afterwards ballotted for by the convention. Dr. TIDYMAN of South Carolina moved to amend the motion, by inserting the words "that the convention proceed to elect a President immediately." Mr. MILLER of South Carolina expressed a wish to have the question, whether the different delegations were to vote on federative principles or per capita, decided at an early period, as the principle was highly important. Dr. TIDYMAN thought it would be best to elect a President in the usual way. The mode proposed by Mr. SEDGWICK would cause great loss of time. Mr. POINDEXTER of Mississippi, thought Dr. Tidyman's motion involved a proposition to strike out all the essential parts of Mr. Sedgwick's resolution, and called for a division of the question. Col. PRESTON of South Carolina moved that the resolution and the amendment should lie on the table for the present, and that this convention should proceed to verify the election of members. Till this should be done, they could not tell who were delegates and who were not. This motion was adopted, and Mr. RAGUET of Phila delphia was appointed Secretary pro tempore. Mr. RAGUET said there was no authorative list of delegates, as the returns from all places where elections had been held had not yet been received, and as changes had taken place in some of the delegations, he would read a list published in the Philadelphia papers, and gentlemen who were present as delegates, and whose names were not in the printed list, would be pleased to hand in their names as he proceeded. Judge Barbour of Virginia suggested that the states should be called in the order observed in Congress, beginning at Maine, and proceeding southward, and as the name of each state was called, the delegates from that state should step forward to the Secretary's table, and give in their names. Other gentlemen thought it would be better to read from the book in which the delegates had inscribed their names on their arrival in the city. After a desultory debate, it was agreed that the Secretary should read the printed list, and that the gentlemen present should supply its deficiencies as he proceeded. While the Secretary was reading the list, a number of gentlemen stepped forward with testimonials of their election. The Secretary stated that 165 delegates had inscribed their names in the book. A complete list of those present, at this calling of the roll, cannot be VOL. VIII. 31 given, as some of the gentlemen answered to their names too faintly to be heard by the reporters, and we believe by the Secretary. Other members arrived while the Convention was in session. There were delegates present from Maine, Massachusetts, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Tennessee. When the names of the gentlemen elected to represent Mississippi were called, Mr. POINDEXTER rose, and stated that he had only newspaper evidence of his election, and wished to know if the Convention would receive him on that evidence. There was some delicacy in his taking or declining to take a seat in this highly respectable body. He belonged to another body before which the question they were assembled to discuss would come in an official form. But as it would be extremely inconvenient to the people of Mississippi to send other delegates, a distance of a thousand miles to Philadelphia, he would feel himself almost bound to express the sentiments of his state on a question in which it was so deeply interested. His object was to express the sentiments of the people of Mississippi, less by speaking than by a silent vote. The Convention being unanimous in its wish that Mr. Poindexter should act as a delegate from Missis sippi, he took his seat accordingly. After the election of the members had been thus ve. rified, Gov. MILLER of South Carolina called up for consideration, the resolution that had been offered by Mr. Sedgwick. He thought it very important to decide the question whether the Convention was to vote per capita,or on federative principles. At least it was desirable, that in the first step towards the election of a President of the Convention, those states from which the delegation was not numerous, should be allowed a better opportunity for expressing their sentiments, than would be afforded by proceeding immediately to the election, of a President, and by voting per capita. The question was then put on Dr. TIDYMAN'S MOtion to amend, viz: "that the Convention proceed im. mediately to elect a President." The motion to amend was rejected, 60 members voting in the affirmative, and 67 in the negative. The question then recurring on the original resolution, a gentleman with whose name we are not ac quainted, said it was impracticable. As from at least one of the states, but one delegate had appeared, it would be impossible to form a committee of two for each of the states represented in the Convention, Judge SHORTER of Georgia opposed the resolution on the ground of its inexpediency. Some of the members of the Convention hat been elected as representatives of whole states, and others as representatives of small parts of states. The mode suggested by Mr. Sedgwick might produce some excitement, and lead to much con. fusion. There could be no confusion by proceeding to elect a President in the usual way. Mr. MILLER moved to amend the resolution, by inserting" one" instead of "two." The gentleman who had observed that it was impracticable to form a committee of two for each state, said, that since the delegation from some states was very small, if the delegation from each state elected its member of the committee of nomination, an opportu nity might be afforded to some individuals to promote personal objects, and there should be no personal objects in this convention. Messrs. BIDDLE and INGRAHAM, of Philadelphia, moved to re-consider the vote on Dr. Tidyman's proposition to amend. Mr. MILLER repeated his wish that the states who had a minority of members of the Convention, should have the same opportunity of expressing their sentiments, as those states from which the delegation was full. Some of the Carolinians could recollect how difficult it was in another body, to obtain a suitable regard for the rights of the minority. Judge SHORTER said the passage of the resolution to which he was opposed, would increase the weight of the delegation to which he belonged. Of eighteen members elected for Georgia, only six had yet appeared. But he was opposed to the resolution on general grounds-on the inequality with which it would operate and the dissatisfaction it would produce. Dr. TIDYMAN said his object in wishing to proceed immediately to the election of President, was to facilitate business. Some of the gentlemen had travelled a thousand miles or more to Philadelphia; and time to them was precious. [OCTOBIS The motion to reconsider the vote on Dr. Tidyman's amendment, was adopted by a large majority. Mr. JOHN A. STEVENS, of New York, rose to state some facts of which probably the convention had not been informed. None of the delegates from Connecticut had arrived, but a part of those from the city of New York, none of those from Albany, and none from New Bedford. Some of those would probably arrive in the evening boats. Under these circumstances, he submit. ted the propriety of deferring the election of a Presi dent. Mr. MILLER of South Carolina, apologized for again addressing this meeting. He was most anxious that in a body in which South Carolina was fully represented, due regard should be paid to the rights of the states not fully represented. A thousand people from South Carolina might come here, and if so many had come, we could not have denied their right to sit and vote.But this could not have deprived the minority of their rights. Mr. M. was opposed to every thing like a consolidation of the states. The gentleman from Massachusetts, the delegation of which is small, asks that in the nomination of a President, his state shall be equal to South Carolina, the delegation from which is numerous. Can we deny him his right? Some gentlemen had spoken, as if the convention would be bound to select Mr. SEDGWICK, in replying to the remark that the whomsoever the committee might nominate. But the adoption of the resolution he had offered might pro- man for whom he would vote must be decidedly oppoduce excitement, said he knew of no excitement-sed to the tariff-principle-one who regarded it as unthere could be no excitement. The high and noble constitutional-one who was in no way tainted by the object for which the convention had assembled, forbade | American system. the supposition. But there are 150, perhaps 200 gentlemen, entire strangers to one another, and who have not had time fully to ascertain each others wishes in all respects. His wish was that the convention should appear to be, what it is in fact, one and indivisible—that there should be a perfect unanimity in all its proceedings from the election of President onwards-and with this object he had offered the resolution, as the best means of ascertaining the sentiments of the different states. Mr. JONES of Georgia, asked what the effect would be if the convention should not elect the gentlemen nominated by the committee. The unanimity sought for, could not, he thought, be obtained in this way. MR. MITCHELL of South Carolina, expressed himself, as decidedly friendly to the system of voting per ca. pita. He was followed by Mr. JONES of Georgia, who spoke on the same side of the question, and was desirous of proceeding forthwith to elect a President of the convention. The members were then as well prepared for this duty, as they could be at any future time. They were then untrammeled by the proceedings of a committee, and men always act best when untrammeled. lution appeared to be to give the members a longer opportunity to ascertain each other's wishes and sentiments, and to attain that object, he would move that this body should at twelve o'clock to-morrow, proceed to elect a President. Mr. CHEVES rose in the hope, (perhaps the vain hope,) of shortening the discussion. The object of the gentleman from Massachusetts, must be either to gain Col. PRESTON said that whether the voting should be information, to gain time, or to gain power. It seems by states, or per capita, was an important question, the impossible that it was to gain imformation, for the chardecision of which might be deferred till the convention acter of all the gentlemen spoken of as candidates, was was fully organized. În regard to the chief officer, it is well known. If it was to gain time, the manner was desirable that he should be one acceptable to the ma- unparliamentary. It could not be to gain power, for jority. We come here to represent a principle—not the result would be the same, whatever mode of nomistates. And some members came to represent differ-nation should be adopted. The true object of the resoent modifications of that principle. The instructions the members have received from the meetings by which they have been selected, differ in some respects. An imaginary line in a state, may separate these different modifications of the principle of Free Trade. This might be illustrated by a case drawn from Virginia, or another from South Carolina. If the mode of voting by states should be adopted, and the whole delegation from any state not be of one sentiment in regard to some of these modifications of principle, the minority of that delegation might feel it had not a fair opportunity of expressing its views. He hoped the most perfect good feeling would prevail. But there would be great delicacy in differing from the committee of nomination. To avoid this possible collision, it would be well to elect a President in the usual way. Mr. SEDGWICK entirely accorded with Mr. CHEVES, and withdrew his motion for the appointment of a committee of nomination. His object was that the members might have an opportunity of conferring with one another, that there might be perfect unanimity in their proceedings. Mr. JONES and others, expressed themselves pleased with Mr. CHEVES' motion. A part of the convention, were still desirous of proceeding immediately to the election of a President, as some of the members had come from so great a distance, that a long detention in the city must prove very inconvenient to them: but an end was put to further debate by a motion to adjourn. Saturday, Sept. 30th. In addition to the statements mentioned in our last report, Rhode Island was to-day represented in the convention. At 10 o'clock the meeting was called to order by the Hon. Burwell Bassett, the chairman pro tempore, 1831.] FREE TRADE CONVENTION. Mr. CHEVES moved that the convention proceed immediately to elect a President. 243 On motion of Judge SHORTER of Georgia, Mr. Raguet of Philadelphia, was unanimously elected Secretary of the Convention. On motion of Col. BASSETT of Virginia, the Secretary was authorized to employ so many assistants as he might deem necessary. On motion of Col. BASSETT, it was resolved that the rules of congress, for the regulation of business,be adop ted by the convention. Mr. GALLATIN had heard that some difficulties had arisen on the point of the election of a President, whether it should be by states or per capita. It was not necessary to settle the abstract principle involved in the question. Formality should be avoided. This body was not a congress, but a voluntary meeting. There was no one individual present whose nomination would unite all votes. He therefore nominated Mr. P. P. On motion of Mr. DROMGOOLE of Virginia, it was resolBARBOUR, of Virginia, for the office of President. ved that the editors of newspapers and the stenographIn this motion Mr. GALLATIN was unanimously supers employed by them, be authorised to take seats withported, and Judge BARBOUR was elected President by in the bar. general acclamation. The President on taking his seat, made an address to the following effect: Gentlemen of the Convention:— The occasion which has brought us together, is certainly an important one, whether we have reference to the subject committed to our care, or to the results which may flow from our deliberations. Mr. MITCHELL of South Carolina said, that as there appeared to be a pause in the proceedings of the convention, he would take this opportunity of offering a set of resolutions which might serve as land marks in the discussion, and show the people and the general government that a perfect uniformity of feeling prevailed in this body. He had the greater confidence in bringing forward these resolutions because they were not the fabric of his own brain. They claimed an authority far In almost every other country, upon the face of the above any thing he could give them. They had been earth, when the people feel themselves to be aggrieved, adopted at a meeting in the town of Boston in 1820, they have before them, the painful alternative, either of when an attempt was making to revise the tariff on the unconditional submission, without the hope of redress, or principles that had been adopted in the late revision.of an attempt to right themselves by force, and thus In the periodicals of that day, the meeting was describreaking up the very foundations of their government. bed as consisting of the ablest counsellors, the wealthiHappily for us, our lot is otherwise cast. Here, the est manufacturers, and the most enterprising merchants principle is held so sacred, that it is not permitted to of that great and eminent metropolis. This gave the be drawn into question: nay, as if to make assurances resolutions great authority, which was strengthened by doubly sure, it is explictly guaranteed by the constitu- the fact,that they had also in substance been adopted by tion-That the people have a right peaceably to assem-a meeting held in Philadelphia, in the same year. Every ble,and demand a redress of their grievances. It is in the man in South Carolina, echoes the sentiments of these exercise of this unquestioned and unquestionable right, resolutions, that we have now met together-not to indulge in captious, or trivial complaints, not to give utterance to the voice of faction, but for a higher, for a nobler purpose. -As the representatives of a large portion of the people of this Union, in their name, and on their behalf, to expostulate with our countrymen, in a tone, manly, yet respectful, yet temperate-To declare in the face of the whole community, that those who sent us here, believe themselves to be burdened, by an unjust, unequal and wrongful system of taxation; and to appeal to the sense of justice of those who are a large majority for the correction of so great an evil. To be called to preside over such an assembly, is an honor, which any man might highly appreciate: for my self, I tender you my acknowledgements for such an evidence of your confidence in advance. I am aware that it devolves upon me, high responsibility. But I shall meet it with firmness, promising the best exertions of such ability as I have, with the assurance of zeal, and determined impartiality. And gentlemen, if by any thing which we shall do here, we can contribute in any degree, to the attainment of the great object which we have in view, we shall certainly have rendered some service to the State. The first resolution is, "That no objection ought to be made to any amount of taxes equally apportioned and imposed for the purpose of raising revenue for the support of government." This was the resolution adopted by the most enlightened men in Massachusetts, and there was no man in South Carolina, from the Mountains to the Ocean, or from the North Carolina line to the Savannah river, that did not cordially assent to it. "But" the resolution proceeds, "taxes imposed on the people for the sole benefit of any one class of men, are equally inconsistent with the principles of our constitution and with sound policy." Equal rights, equal duties, equal immunities, equal disabilities, continued Mr. MITCHELL, is the language of the constitution. There is not a man in South Carolina who does not object to this imposition of taxes for the benefit of particular classes. We all admit the right to tax to any necessary extent for the support of the government, but when you go beyond this, we cannot understand on what principle you proceed. Mr. M. said that the people of South Carolina can no where find in the constitution an express authority, given to congress by the people of the states, to encourage manufactures by taxation: nor can they understand To this end, let us, I beseech you, conduct all our how a power to regulate commerce can comprehend a proceedings in a spirit of conciliation and harmony.-power to promote manufactures by direct or indirect Let us, by our example, show to the world, that whilst bounties: how regulation means prohibition: how a we know our rights, and knowing dare maintain them; power expressly given for the purpose of increasing we at the same time, know how to respect the rights foreign commerce-of extending it to every quar and feelings of others. Thus shall we best acquit our-ter of the globe-and placing it on the best and most selves of the obligations which we owe to our constituents; thus may we indulge the stronger hope of fulfilling their just expectations. And if, after all, our efforts should fail of success, we shall at least have the consolation to know, that we made them with an anxious desire, amicably and justly to settle a question, which seriously disturbs the harmony of our common country. On motion of Dr. TIDYMAN of South Carolina, thanks were presented to the Pennsylvania delegation, for the arrangements they had made for the accommodation of the convention. prosperous footing-can imply a power to diminish and annihilate it, and turn labor and capital to manufacturing industry: This is above the comprehension of those whom he had the honor to represent. Mr. M. said that this in the minds of his constituents was neither more nor less than arbitrary taxation, and he was more than gratified that they had been supported in this view of the constitution by the commercial people of the great and enlightened cities of Boston and Philadelphia. The other resolutions are: "That high bounties on such domestic manufactures as are benefitted by the tariff, favor great capitalists ra ther than personal industry, or the owners of small capitals, and therefore that we do not perceive its tendency to promote national industry. That we are equally incapable of discovering its beneficial effects on agriculture, since the obvious consequences of its adoption would be, that the farmer must give more than he now does, for all he buys, and receive less for all he sells. "That the impositions of duties which are enormous, and declared by a large portion of the people to be unjust, is dangerous, as it encourages the practice of smuggling. "That in the opinion of this meeting, the duties of the tariff should be reduced to the standard of revenue for the support of government." These resolutions were submitted by Mr. MITCHELL, as the universal sentiment of the people of South Caro lina-as sentiments worthy of universal adoption-and to which no rational objection could be made either in or out of the convention. On motion of Mr. A. P. BUTLER of S. C. who thought it would be more in order to divide the business of the convention among committees, before passing resolutions of ageneral character, the resolutions were laid on the table. (N. B. The resolutions brought forward by Mr. M. are copies of the celebrated resolutions offered by Mr. DANIEL WEBSTER, at the meeting in Boston in 1820. Mr. GALLATIN thought that before bringing specific propositions before the convention, some preliminary steps were necessary for the general arrangement of business. He had learned with great satisfaction that fifteen states were represented in the convention. The members had as yet but little opportunity for ascertaining each other's sentiments. To promote this object and to facilitate business, he would propose that a committee should be appointed, consisting of two members to be elected by the delegation of each state, or of one member when from the necessity of the case, there would be no more than one, and that to this federative committee thus formed should be committed the duty of arranging the order of business. The principal object of the convention was of a practical nature. A remon strance to congress must be prepared. A committee of correspondence to collect facts, may be necessary. An address to the people of the United States, will, perhaps, be thought proper. To prepare business for the con. sideration of the convention, a general committee seemed necessary, and that this committee might have general powers, he offered a resolution expressed in gener. al terms. [OC TOBIE Mr. CHEVES thought there was no difficulty in the case. The convention could impose on itself such restrictions as it pleased, and it could take them off when it pleased. It had, in this respect, greater abilities than congress. The object of the mover of the resolution, by which they felt themselves trameled, had, no doubt; been simply the adoption of the common law of parlia ment for the preservation of order. Mr. POINDEXTER then moved the suspension of the rule of congress on the appointment of committees; and Mr. Gallatin's resolution was unanimously adopted. Mr. CHEVES then moved to rescind the rules of congress. Mr. Basset assented to the motion. He obser ved that when he had proposed their adoption, it had passed through his mind that many of them were inap. plicable to the present convention, but he thought that as the exceptions occurred they could be rescinded, leaving in force such only of the rules as were practicable. The rules were then rescinded. Mr. GOLDWTHAITE of Ala. then offered a resolution, that so much of the rules of the House of Representatives, as relates to the introduction of resolutions, and mode of debate, be adopted by this convention." This was opposed by Mr. CARPENTER of Maine, on the ground that disputes would continually arise, as to which of therules referred to in the resolution were applicable in this convention. It would be best to be governed by the common law of parliament. Every member had implicit confidence in the President. He was well acquainted with business. And, if he ever decided wrong, an appeal could be made to the convention. The motion was negatived. Albert Gallatin, RHODE ISLAND. NEW YORK. John Aug. Smith. NEW JERSEY. A verbal amendment to the resolution, was offered by Mr. Jones of Georgia, and accepted by Mr. Gallatin, as expressing the sentiment he intended to convey. Mr. POINDEXTER said the resolution conflicted with Cornelius L. Hardenburgh, Henry Vethake. the rules of congress, which had just been adopted for the regulation of business. In the House of Representatives, the Speaker appoints the Committees. Thomas P. Cope, The president of the convention (Mr. Barbour)declared the practice of Congress to be as had been stated by Wm. E. Handy, Mr. Poindexter, but added that it would be much more agreeable to him, if the delegation from the different PENNSYLVANIA. Clement C. Biddle. MARYLAND. A. D. Jones. VIRGINIA. John W. Jones. NORTH CAROLINA. states would elect their own members of the committee. James M. Garnett, William Harper, Mr. GALLATIN said that when he voted for the adoption of the rules of congress, he did not suppose he was voting for them in extenso, but simply for so much as John M. Berrien, was necessary for preserving order. One great object of the resolution, would be defeated, if the President should appoint the committee. That object was, each state, represented on this floor, should have its due weight in the preparation of business for the consideration of the convention-that the sentiments of all the states should be ascertained as nearly as possible. that Enoch Parsons, William A. Blount. SOUTH CAROLINA. George Poindexter. William E. Butler, Daniel E. Huger. GEORGIA. Elie S. Shorter. ALABAMA. Thomas Goldsmith. MISSISSIPPI. TENNESSEE. Alexander Patton. |