principle of that opinion, to all the aid which your representative character, or private influence, enables you to bestow. "THOMAS MIFFLIN. "Philadelphia, December 5th, 1793." For the Register of Pennsylvania. EDUCATION. 215 sible way, effect them, beneficially or otherwise. I by no means complain of these manifestations of sympathy with suffering human nature in any part of the globeand would wish all efforts in its relief, which are prudent and rational, to be successful; provided they do not interfere with the all-important consideration of the preservation and perpetuation of our own freedom and happiness. or not, and instantly the flame spreads-the sober feel. ings of true religion are merged in the passions of religious enthusiasm—and people are apt to run into as many and dangerous extremes, on the one side, from their heated fancies, as they were on the other, from their cold indifference and neglect. Now, the imagination and the passions are easily excited. Let a new theatrical representation be announced- crowds are present at it. Let the flame of revolution be lighted in a counWhat is the reason that in a government like ours, try, some thousand of miles off, and calls made on our whose stability depends upon the intelligence of the citizens to spend their money or even their blood, to people, greater interest is not excited upon the all-im- encourage it-their money will be given-and their blood will, if necessary, be spilt-thousand will attend portant subject, I have selected as the title of this paper? This is a question that has often been presented meetings for the purpose, who will have their feelto my attention, without an ability on my part to renderings powerfully enlisted in matters, which can in no posa perfectly satisfactory answer. The inattention to the subject, cannot arise, (at least in those members of our community who are accustomed to exercise in any degree, the faculty of thought,) from any conviction of its want of importance or dignity. This assertion would prove, that education had unfortunately conferred but little benefit upon those who had had the opportunity of embracing it: otherwise a greater enlargement of mind, and more correct views of what constituted the It is, then, a difficult matter, to persuade the more real happiness of a country, would be perceptible in fortunate classes of the community, that their own real those to whom I have just now alluded. It cannot then enjoyments, and the happiness of their country, are be the case, that any consider the education of all class- concerned in the general diffusion of education. If it es of the community, an unimportant or undignified mat- is a difficult thing to persuade them upon this point; ter of contemplation, but the general inattention to it, probably all arguments addressed to them, to show its or want of a feeling of interest in it, must arise, either, intimate connection with the prosperity of the humbler from the absence of any thing really exciting in its na-citizens of the republic, will be unavailable-when men ture, or because it is a matter which people can make a very proper subject of declamation or discussion, without being stirred up to any thing like action, in regard to it. This latter reason is one, whose influence is felt in very many of human affairs. There are some things which by apparently general consent, are set down as very proper matters upon which to express very decided sentiments of approbation, and to talk a great deal; though the uniform neglect of them is perceived so far as the actions of men are regarded. Politicians understand this extremely well; and make a proper use of it. Again-equal neglect is perceivable with reference to matters of acknowledged importance, either because the evils or the benefits to flow from them are remote, and not immediately tangible, or because there is a want of excitement about them-they address themselves more to the understanding than to the imagination or feelings. I may instance the subject, which, un. doubtedly, every man of sense in his calm moments of reason and reflection, would set down as the most important for a humun being to direct his attention to Religion. How generally is this neglected! and why? not because it is unimportant to us, either in its results of happiness or misery; but because we consider both as placed at such a distant period, that we may with safety postpone a consideration of it, until-we have nothing else to do which never happens. Let, however, an excitement once be raised-for any cause whatever: a popular preacher—a religious quarrel-a supposed persecution, or any other circumstance, trifling are careless of their own interest, they are not apt to attend to their neighbors. The uneducated, therefore, must themselves be convinced of the importance of the object, which some of our philanthropic fellow-citizens have in view; and to which they have devoted a great deal of their time, and many efforts. If their exertions be said to spring from a selfish source-so on the same principle, do all virtuous labors and actions-but, surely, if by promoting the good of our fellow-men, we advance our own, in any honorable and laudable way, the latter consideration should in no wise detract from the merit of our undertaking. If then, those who stand most in need of assistance on this head, and will be most benefited by any general establishment of a system of education, will really exert themselves, and devote their energies to the accomplishment of the object, a much better chance of speedy success to the plan will be presented. Let no wild schemes be indulged of a total alteration or revolution of the social system; let no Utopian plan of an assimilation to ancient and barbarous republics, disturb the sober judgments of the advocates of education. Independently of the inherent impropriety of such views, and their absolute unsuitableness to the present frame of society, an indulgence in them will render all reasonable plans of education, themselves, unpopular with many of our citizens, and prevent, most probably, even the adoption of such. It is highly impolitic in any system, to enlist in opposition to it the self-interest of any—particularly, if they be the rich and influential classes of the people. If these adopt the idea that they will not be at liberty to follow their own plans in the education of their children; and that while such is the case, their money will be taken to found and support other systems by which their poorer neighbors will be educated without much expense on their part, their whole efforts will of course be directed to prevent any, the first advance to what they consider a dangerous attack upon their rights and privileges as citizens. I am, however, inclined to think, that the neglect which has been perceptible upon this essentially important topic, has arisen from a want of a proper appreciation of its importance on the part of those who are most in need of the benefits it will undoubtedly confer. A want of education, unfortunately, induces a narrowness of mind and want of enlargement of the mental vision, which can only be corrected by removing the cause. If this, then, unhappily presents an insurmountable difficulty in approaching such persons with argument, let us indulge the hope, that the labors and exertions of the philanthropic will beget an excitement upon this head which will produce the most favorable results. The really patriotic, the / really enlightened, the really republican in feeling and principle, will not hesitate in the choice of the side to which to attach themselves. UMBRA. A PUBLL MEETING OF THE FRIENDS OF AMERICAN INDUSTRY. [OCTOBER thrown away, with a view to any increase of foreign markets for agricultural products, and are only to be rendered available by transporting those of domestic industry for domestic trade; and that the State of Penn. sylvania, the centre and heart of this great body politic, is most especially interested in its prosperity, by her position, and by the circumstance that, more than any coal, and other minerals, within the bowels of the earth, other state, she possesses immense treasures of iron, in addition to the inexhaustable harvests of its surface. 3. Resolved, That to deny to the government of these United States authority, by its charter, to protect and encourage manufactures, is to suppose that its illustrious framers were insensible to the first and greatest interests of their common country, and that the admirable constitution they gave it wants the first principle of prosperity, peace and self-preservation; and that for any state to arrogate the power of determining whether a law of the United States conforms to the constitution, and of annulling it if that state deems it unconstitutional, is to set up an usurped and despotic sovereignty, rule, fatal to the sovereignty of the people, and insufsubversive of the radical doctrine that the majority is to ferable by freemen, who will not endure the despotism of a monarch state, any more than of an individual monarch. tection of manufactures, have realized the promises of 4. Resolved, That the acts of Congress for the prothe majority who proposed, and have falsified the forebodings of the minority who opposed them; and that already they have greatly improve i the condition of the country at large, and although their effects are not yet fully accomplished, the great interests and staples are all prospering by their influence. Agriculture finds markets for its productions at steady and profitable prices. The article of wool, which has At a meeting of the friends of American Industry, been fostered by these acts, has within a few years in held at the Musical Fund Hall, Philadelphia, Septem-creased so much in quantity, and quality and value, as ber 26, at half past 3 P. M. HON. JOSEPH HEMPHILL was appointed President, and MATHEW CAREY and ROBERT WALN, Esqs. Vice-Presidents, and JAMES PAGE and THOMAS M. PETTIT, Secretaries. The Chairman opened the meeting with some perti. nent observations, including a statement of the objects proposed in the call. CHARLES J. INGERSOLL, Esq. then prefaced, with suitable remarks, and offered the following resolutions, which were unanimously adopted:—U. S. Gaz. RESOLUTIONS. 1. Resolved, That National Industry, the power which creates social wealth, multiplies population, resources and enjoyments, improves the soil, and sustains agriculture, supplies commerce, and furthers navigation, establishes the independence, confirms the strength, and promotes the general welfare of the country, is a National Interest, without whose prosperous and permanent developement the American people cannot be a great or happy nation; and whose importance, transcending that of ephemeral politics, shall, on this occasion, command the attention of this assembly, convened without regard to party attachments, and disclaiming party combinations, devoted to the great cause of national industry alone. 2. Resolved, That these United States, extending from the Atlantic to the great Lakes, and from the Estuary of the St. Lawrence to Gulf of Mexico, in a vast Peninsula, combine, in a degree unequalled elsewhere, the territorial opportunities of superadding the riches of manufactures of all kinds to those of commerce and agriculture, that the magnificent distances and apparent diversities of local interests, by means of steamboats, an invention purely American, have become the providential causes of constant intercourse, domestic exchange, and intimate union, among the several states: that the large sums so beneficialy expended, and in the course of expenditure on internal improvements, would be to be now worth more than half of the whole cotton crop, and is advancing so as to ensure its being within the next five years more valuable than all the cotton of the cotton growing states. While agriculture is thus benefitted, foreign commerce, navigation, ship-building, and the tonnage generally of the United States, of the sea, the rivers and the lakes, have constantly increased and are rapidly progressive. Above all, the Coasting trade, that primary interest of maritime enterprize, and principal nursery of a pow. erful marine, contrary to the most preposterous misrep resentations of its stagnation and comparative decline, has extended itself far beyond that of any other nation in the same time, and is progressing in a ratio of the most gratifying augmentation. The Navy, whose decay was foretold in the anticipa ted ruin of our foreign commerce, has suffered no eclipse in its glorious career, and is not found to want the means of its construction or maintenance; on the contrary, it has been supplied by our own artizans with better materials in the estimation of the Government, than heretofore; and while the coasting trade, and whale fisheries thrive so vigorously, it can never need plenty of skilful hands and brave hearts to protect the commerce, and maintain the honor of its country. The Army is equipped, clothed and armed with our own manufactures. As shipping has multiplied, whether plying by sail, or steam, so has the number of houses been greatly increased, and notwithstanding their multiplication, rents have been continually advancing-the number of inhabitants increasing faster than that of habitations. This is not confined to the Seaport towns, but is common wherever manufactures prevail from Boston to Louisville; and the greatest increase is where they have been most attended to. Manufactures furnish moreover, the best merchandize to exchange for specie in foreign countries, while they also supply articles of exportation in lieu of the precious metals in our trade with others; so that the great increase of hard money and its general diffusion throughout the United States, thereby contributing to the present wholesome state of the currency, may be attributed in a great degree to their agency. To them also may be attributed the prodigious increase of our domestic exchanges. The greatest of all the delusive warnings against the acts to protect manufactures, was, that they would inevitably reduce the revenue, and lead to direct taxation. Their effect has been to increase the revenue to a great amount. No loan has been necessary-no tax is to be apprehended; on the contrary, Government is embarrassed with an excessive income, which it will soon, after discharging the National Debt, be at a loss how to dispose of; while in its manufacturing establishments, the country owns the surest fund for productive taxation, in case of need; the sinews of war, as they are the pledges of peace, and the only security of Independence. Another of the prejudices most attempted to be raised against manufactures, was that they would create a privileged class, supported and enriched at the charge of the community at large. This absurd denunciation, refuted by the whole philosophy of our insitutions, has been utterly negatived by experience, which has proved to the satisfaction of the large majority of all classes, that they are the beneficiaries, and not the manufac turers. In fine, the positive evidence is all around us, that every article, that has received full protection, has without exception, instead of becoming dearer and worse become cheaper aad better-since the era of protection; and none pays as much as heretofore, for any of the productions of handicraft, but those who insist on paying more in order to gratify their caprice, or their aversions; houses, ships, clothing, a hat, a shirt, a coat, shoes, machinery, carriages, furniture, manufactures of wood, iron, cotton, wool, leather, peltry, glass, in short, nearly all the necessaries and luxuries of existence, are to be found in our own workshops of better materials, and workmanship than they can be brought from abroad. Thus every evil predicted, has failed to befal us-every advantage promised has been accomplished by those protective acts, which are yet but in the beginning of their effects; benefits, as was said by the first secretary of the treasury, when he proposed them at the outset of our government-never to be attained but by the interposition of government, always complained of at first -but never failing in the end to be sanctioned by universal approbation. The eastern states have concurred with the central and western states in their adhesion to these acts, and the sourthen states will also follow, as surely as their climate, their productions, their waterpower, and their labor all lead to the same result. It is not saying too much, to assert that manufactures in the language of the Constitution of tho United States, are mainly serviciable in forming that more perfect union, providing for that common defence, and promoting that general welfare, which the people and the states united to secure. 5. Resolved, Therefore, that it is the true and obvious policy of the government of these United States to let alone the accomplishment of their destiny in the present prosperous condition of their agriculture, commerce, navigation, manufactures, currency, industry and improvements of all kinds, and that it would be a most injudicious and perilous experiment to check, alter or endanger their actual developement. 6. Resolved, That the city of Philadelphia, and the state of Pennsylvania, for the first time within a few years, put in possession of their own markets, supplied by domestic manufactures and sustained by internal improvements in common with all the cities and states of the centre and the west, most of the eastern and part of the southern states, are flourishing and contented beVOL. VIII. 28 217 yond all example by these means, and that they must deprecate any interruption of them. 7. Resolved, That the importance of the manufacture on iron to all branches of industry-to agricultural, as none draws so largely in its fabrication from the raw material, upon its productions---to commercial, both internal and external, and to the national defence indispensible in war and essential to prosperity in peace, being of universal need, in which a very large capital is, and is being invested-merits and ought at all times to receive the encouragement and protection of a wise government so far as to insure a supply equal to our wants without relying on foreign nations, whose policy or interest it might be to withhold it at the time of our utmost neces sity. 8. Resolved, That if any of the southern states or parts of them do not participate in the general prosperity pervading most of the United States, this meeting regrets it, and would freely endeavour tɔ impart to them their full share of the common welfare. But that in unison with large, intelligent and patriotic numbers of their own inhabitants, we cannot impute their alleg ed grievances to the protective system, nor believe that our means of prosperity are their ruin. A large and rapidly increasing market for their superabundant cotton cannot injure its producers. Protection for sugar, which has established its culture, and thereby taken a large quantity of land and labor from superfluous and losing cotton cultivation must have retarded the decline of the staples of the plantation States, all of which, moreover, enjoy protection as fully as those of the farming and manufacturing States. In the spirit of harmony and union, which begat and reared the American republic, we are anxious to administer relief to all who suffer, and to share our prosperity with all who desire it. Watever conciliation can arrange without sacrificing the principles of protection, or without impairing the national industry-we are ready to sanction; but the Union must be preserved, and its lawful acts carried into execution. On motion of ANDREW M. JONES it was, Resolved, That a committtee of five persons be appointed by the president, to nominate delegates to the Convention to be held in New York, on the 26th of Oc. tober, with power to fill vacancies if necessary, and add to the number. The President named the following Gentlemen: James Harper, Joshua Emlen, 218 GOVERNMENT OF PENNSYLVANIA. [OCTOBER for New York in case of an attack; though it be a condition upon which the government was restored to him. 7. The representatives of the three lower counties, in an address to Mr. Penn, have further represented, "That instead of reaping the security designed by the laws passed at New Castle, they find that the most essential of those laws, and which nearest concern them, and their estates, have not been sent home for His Majesty's approbation, especially those for qualification of magistrates and juries, and those for establishing property, and raising money. 8. Those representatives being doubtful of Mr. Penn's right to the government of those counties, they desired a sight of his deeds of feoffment. But instead thereof they were threatened with a goal, without bail, till eith er the King's plearsre should be known, or Mr. Penn's return to this country. And by these proceedings being made more doubtful of the validity of the laws passed at New Castle, they refused to confirm the same. 9. In relation to the administration of justice, infor mation has been given of three particular cases of very heinous crimes. One of which was a woman committed for murder of her natural child, and confessing the fact, was either acquitted or pardoned; and the others who were men, one, the son of an eminent Quaker, by several shuffling and irregular practices, got off without trval. 10. Further information has been given, of a jury who, not agreeing upon a verdict, in a cause with which they were charged, determined themselves by hustle Copy of Col. Quarry's information against the Govern- Read at a Meeting of the Council, March 17, 1830. 11. Appeals have not been granted from sentences in courts in Pennsylvania to His Majesty in council here; particularly in the case of Thomas Byfield against John King. 12. The deputy governor, left by Mr. Penn, is not qualified by his majestie's approbation or otherwise as 1. That an illegal trade is carried on there, more than requisite by law. Nor has Mr. Penn ever given secuever-sloops are purposely employed to go out of the rity for any deputy governor, as described by the adCapes, and take on board goods brought by other ves-dress of the house of lords of 18th of March, 1696. sels from Curasoa, which they land at Philadelphia, or elsewhere. And then the vessels that brought them come up to Philadelphia in ballast, as if they had brought nothing. 2. The acts past in Pennsylvania to prevent illegal trade, are not put in execution, as neither the acts of trade made here. 3. Mr. Penn, having appointed water bailiffs by his own authority, has invaded thereby the jurisdiction of the Admiralty as established by the King. 4. There is neither any militia established, nor any provision made of arms or ammunition: but the country is left defenceless, and exposed to all hazards both by land and sea. Of which the representatives from the lower counties have several times complained to Mr. Penn, but without any effect. Answer to the Abstract of Complaints against Proceedings 2. I pray proof of this also: for he never complained to me, that I can remember, of such neglect. But this I know, that he told me that he thought I was too hard 5. Mr. Penn endeavours, all he can, to invite foreign upon the tobacco planters in making that law, for by and French Indians, known to be villainous, and that that law the hogsheads of tobacco were to be weighed lately came from Canada to settle in this country for at their shipping, because they used to pass formerly at the benefit of a trade with them; which he takes care 400 weight by content, though perhaps they, or the wholly to engross to himself, by ordering the Indians merchants, crowded in 7, 8 or 900 weights into a hogsnot to permit any to trade with them, but such as pro-head. By which the king lost at 10s. per cwt. not less duce an indented license under his seal. What his pro- than 30, 40, or 50 shillings per hhd, which in a thousand fit may be thereby is not known: but it is apprehended hhds. come to 1,500 or 2,000 pounds. this practice may tend to endanger the lives of many thousands of Her Majesty's subjects. es. 6. Mr. Penn prevailed on the assembly, at one sitting, to make a present to him of 2,000 pounds, and further to settle upon him 1,000 per ann. and upwards, in taxThe expenses of their several sittings whilst he was there amounted to above 600 pounds. But he has not disposed them to raise the small quota of 350 pounds which was signified to be requisite towards the defence of New York; they excusing themselves chiefly upon account of the want of a settled militia, arms and ammunition for their own defence: which has indisposed them to any compliance with the quota of men 3. Col. Quarry, in his letter to this board, laid the charge, as if I had granted that commission to all the sheriffs. But of six sheriffs for the six counties, two only had them. They were granted of necessity, to suppress great disorders upon the water and in his absence, and never disputed by his deputy. And when objected against by himself at his return (after six months' absence, upon his traffic into other colonies) I did immediately command the sheriffs to forbear acting by them until further orders. One of them never had, and the other but twice and on slight occasions. However it was drawn by one that Lord Bellamont had made a councillor at New York and naval officer there 1831.3 GOVERNMENT OF PENNSYLVANIA IN 1693. of, well acquainted in such matters. And I offered to join with him to represent it Home to this and the admiralty board, to give us our true boundaries, as the king's council in both laws should advise. Which be once promised, and best knows why he did not perform it. 4. There is as much as was in Colonel Fletcher's time. And the same governor I continued in command by the Queen's direction; all commissions being, by proclamation, to remain in force till revoked, and they never were; but it is a mistake that I had my government restored to me upon those terms-let the royal in strument be consulted. Nor was my right ever dissolved; or the interruption given me to be by law vindicated And for the country's being left defenceless: 'tis an imposition upon the lords to tell them that a militia can secure it since by land there is none to annoy it; and by sea, the position of the country, and the manner of settlement considered, (our distance from the Capes being 160 miles, New Castle 120,) and the shoals and narrows so many, that a small vessell of war would, under God's providence, be the best security. 219 8. They had the sight of the deed of feoffment; and were also told by me, it was upon record at New York. And for threatening them with a gaol, it is a most abusive perversion, for what was said, was to a member, but of one that was not a member, that was supposed to have sown such reflections about the town by himself or agents: and upon that I said, "tell me his name, and prove it upon him, and I will take care to lay him where I shall prevent his seditious practices, until the king's commands are known, or the law release him." This is the truth of the case, and I am still of the same mind, for the preservation of the common peace; nor did I know how to preserve it otherwise: and I thank God, it continues still, and hope will, until the Queen's pleasure shall be known: while our neighbours at New York are in such confusion and extremity; though not only a king's colony, but one of the most importance. 9. For this foul charge I might refer the board to the records of the county. However, I will say thus much; nobody complained to me of it, nor appealed about the first of them: but I have heard that the single witness against the prisoner ran away, and was a fellow of no 5. I never, to my knowledge, invited or entertained credit into the bargain, upon which, after a long imone French Indian in my life; but discouraged French-prisonment, the man was discharged in open court of men, employed by Col. Quarry or his customers, from quarter sessions. trading with our indians, (the cause of that restraint,) that they might not debauch them from the Eaglish friendship and interest. All which is notorious in those parts, where the truth can only be examined and found out. My profit by the Indians was never sixpence; but my known perpetual bounties to them, have cost me many hundreds of pounds, if not some thousands, first and last; but this shows a necessity of a "melius inquirendum" upon the place. Our 6. I acknowledge ye 2000 that money, (which makes not the 1200 English) but his 1000 is not above 700 that money, nor 500 this and near expired. But is that such a recompense, when five times the sum is less than my due? having not had for twenty years one farthing, but maintained the deputy governor at my own charge? And yet more than half of what they give me is yet unpaid; and if Col. Quarry and his factious adherents can obstruct it, will never be paid me. Whereas, bad the law of imposts, given me in 1683, been received by me, it had been 20,000 pounds and more money in my way; and which was only by me waived for a few years, in our infancy, upon promises never performed to me.— But for the 350 pounds ye King writt to me about; I did not only endeavour to raise it by calling an assembly, (and which helps up the charge of the 600 he talks of) but writt to the governor of New York, that if I paid the three hundred and fifty myself, he should not want such a sum for the King's service. Whose answer was, that he neither wanted men nor money, but Colonel Kremer, the engineer that the New Englanders kept from him: nor was it at the same session of assembly, that gave me that supply, but more than a year after. Therefore it cannot be justly concluded, that I preferred my own wants to the King's service. And it was poverty more than defence, that was the excuse of the lower counties for not contribut ing to it, where a ship only, as before, is their best se curity; the town of Philadelphia, or at least the county, being in reality worth more than all the inhabitants of the lower counties, who yet have equal privileges with the whole province, on whose account he makes this reflection upon us. However they are not singular, Virginia and Maryland, old and opulent, as well as King's colonies, having declined their quotas. 7. It was then declared to them and consented to, that the imperfection of some laws in matter and wording, would require a review another session. And none were kept back, but those that were made towards the end of the session, when the early frost setting in so hard, that the sickliness of the place made the members impatient of further stay. Nor am I (as I presume) obliged by my patent, to send them in so short a time: however I expect them daily. For the woman (prisoner), she is neither pardoned nor acqutited; but the whole case lies with Secretary Vernon, to whom I sent it for the king's mind, who only could pardon her: and for want of a sufficient prison, is still in custody (if living) of ye sheriff, who waits for directions therein. Which representation was at the instance and address of the Swedish minister and con gregation, that pleaded, 1st, That it was her own dis covery. 2dly. That it was five years after the fact.3dly. Her extreme sorrow and repentance, of which the discovery was an instance. As to the other charge. The parties married,and in the opinion of the two only lawyers of ye place, (and one of them the king's advocate, of the admiralty, and the attorney general of the country,) her evidence was thereby enervated. But because the marriage was not so regular as the law required, I ordered the prosecution of it with the utmost rigour; as the minutes of council will show. For the reflection upon our profession in styling the father, "an eminent Quaker." First, the father was but a late comer, and little known. And secondly, far from eminent there or here, but of all held a quiet, honest man, who had been his son's security, ye time [several words obliterated] nor was it at last admitted without good authorities in law. 10th. That was true; and they punished for it; or I had severely prosecuted them. But this was done some time before my arrival. 11th. This I must positively disown; for I never did deny one; nor was ever appealed or complained to. If any Court in my Government presumed to do so, I hope I know better things in justice and prudence, than to countenance or endure it. 12th. It was no fault of mine; since I could not stay to receive it. But his name was sent over by me to my son, for that service, above a year before I thought of my hasty return; but it was, it seems, omitted to be presented, because of the doubtful issue of the bill then in Parliament against us. However, I have the opinion of Chief Justice Attwood at New York; that being a Governor in my own right, till the Sovereign could be apprised of it, the appointment I made was good. And Col. Quarry cannot but know, that necessity is ever a commission; and that I was under an absolute one, both to come, and to choose him; seeing there was not another person in either Province (not a Quaker) capable of it; unless my last Lieutenant Governor, that I had displaced upon the King's commands in 1699. And I hope, whatever be Col. Quarry's point, the Lords will judge of my proceedings, according to the nature of public exigencies. WILLIAM PExx, (Signed) |