one year; and from that period down to the union with Great Britain, the parliament of Ireland continued to be octennial. During this session, [1769] an attempt was made by the British ministry to infringe upon the rights of the house of commons in a very material point. A money-bill, which had not originated in Ireland, was sent over from Britain, but was rejected in a spirited manner. Its rejection gave great offence to the lord lieutenant, who repeatedly prorogued them till the year one thousand seven hundred and seventy-one.

The affairs of Ireland began now to draw towards that crisis which effected a remarkable revolution in favour of the liberties of the people. The passing of the octennial bill had diminished, but not taken away, the influence of the crown; and the situation of affairs between great Britain and America had inclined the ministry to make the most of this influence possible. In one thousand seven hundred and seventy-three, Lord Harcourt, at that time governor of Ireland, exerted himself so powerfully in favour of administration, that the voice of opposition in parliament was almost entirely silenced. The difficulties, however, under which the whole nation laboured, began now to be so severely felt, that an address on the subject was presented by the commons to his excellency. In this they told him, that they hoped he would lay before his majesty the state of Ireland, restricted in its commerce from the short-sighted policy of former times, to the great injury of the kingdom, and the advantage of the rivals, if not of the enemies, of Great Britain. These hardships, they said, were not only impolitic, but unjust; and they told his excellency plainly, that they expected to be restored to some, if not to all their rights, which alone could justify them to their constituents for laying upon them so many burdens during the course of this session.

This representation to the lord lieutenant produced no effect; and Ireland for some years longer continued to groan under the burden of intolerable restrictions. These had principally taken place in the reign of Charles II. At this time it was enacted, that beef or live cattle should not be exported to England; neither were the commodities of Ireland to be exported to the American colonies, nor American goods to be imported to any port in Ireland without first unloading them in some

part of England or Wales. All trade with Asia was excluded by charters granted to particular companies; and restrictions were imposed upon almost every valuable article of commerce sent to the different ports of Europe. Towards the end of king William's reign, an absolute prohibition was laid on the exportation of Irish wool. This restriction proved disadvantageous not only to Ireland, but to Great Britain herself. By smuggling, the French were plentifully supplied with Irish wool; and not only enabled to furnish woollen stuffs sufficient for their own consumption, but even to vie with the British in the foreign markets. Other restrictions conspired to augment the national calamity; but that which was most sensibly felt, took place in the year one thousand seven hundred and seventy-six. "There "had hitherto (says Mr. Crawford) been exported annually to "America large quantities of Irish linens: this very considera"ble source of national advantage was now shut up, under pre"tence of rendering it more difficult for the enemy to be sup"plied with the means of subsistence; but in reality, to enable "a few rapacious English contractors to fulfil their engage❝ments, an embargo which continued, was laid upon the ex"portation of provisions from Ireland, by an unconstitutional "stretch of prerogative. Remittances to England, on various "accounts, particularly for the payment of our forces abroad, "were more than usually considerable. These immediate "causes being combined with those which were invariable and 66 permanent, produced in this country very calamitous effects. "Black cattle fell very considerably in their value; notwith"standing there were no buyers. The price of wool was re"duced in a still greater proportion. Rents fell every where; "nor in many places was it possible to collect them. An uni"versal stagnation of business ensued. Credit was very mate«rially injured. Farmers were pressed by extreme necessity, "and many of them became insolvent. Numbers of manufac"turers were reduced to beggary, and would have perished, "had they not been supported by public charity. Those of "every rank and condition were deeply affected by the calami"ty of the times. Had the state of the exchequer permitted,grants "might have been made to promote industry, and to alleviate the "national distress; but it was exhausted to a very uncommon

"degree. Almost every branch of the revenue had failed. From "want of money the militia law could not be carried into exe"cution. We could not pay our forces abroad; and to enable "us to pay those at home, there was a necessity of borrowing "fifty thousand pounds from England. The money which "parliament was forced to raise, it was obliged to borrow at an "exorbitant interest. England, in its present state, was affect"ed with the wretched condition to which our affairs were re"duced. Individuals there, who had estates in Ireland, were "sharers of the common calamity; and the attention of indi"viduals in the British parliament was turned to our situation, "who had even no personal interest in this country."

CHAPTER IX.

WHILE things were in this deplorable situation, earl Nugent, in the year one thousand seven hundred and seventyeight, undertook the cause of the Irish, by moving in parliament, that their affairs should be taken into consideration by a committee of the whole house. This motion being agreed to almost unanimously, it was followed by several others, viz. That the Irish might be permitted to export directly to the British plantations, or to the settlements on the coast of Africa, all goods being the produce and manufacture of the kingdom, excepting only wool, or woollen manufactures, &c. That all goods, being the produce of any of the British plantations, or of the settlements on the coast of Africa, tobacco excepted, be allowed to be imported directly from Ireland to all places, except Britain. That glass manufactured in Ireland be permitted to be exported to all places, Britain excepted. With respect to the Irish sail cloth and cordage, it was moved, that they should have the same privilege as for the cotton yarn.

These motions having passed unanimously, bills for the relief of Ireland were framed upon them accordingly. The trading and manufacturing towns of England, however, took the alarm, and petitions against the Irish indulgence were brought forward from many different quarters, and members instructed to oppose it. In consequence of this, a warm contest took place on the second reading of the bills. Mr. Burke supported them with all the strength of his eloquence; and as the minister

seemed to favour them, they were committed; though the violent opposition to them still continued, which induced many of their friends at that time to desert their cause.

Though the efforts of those who favoured the cause of Ireland thus proved unsuccessful for the present, they renewed their endeavours before the Christmas vacation. They now urged, that independent of all claims from justice and humanity, the relief of Ireland was enforced by necessity. The trade with British America was now lost for ever; and it was indispensably requisite to unite the remaining parts of the empire in one common interest and affection. Ireland had hitherto been passive; but there was danger that, by driving her to extremities, she would cast off the yoke altogether; or even if this should not happen, the tyranny of Britain would be of little advantage; as on the event of a peace, the people would desert a country in which they had experienced such oppression, and emigrate to America, where they had a better prospect of liberty. On the other hand, they insisted, that very considerable advantages must ensue to Britain by the emancipation of Ireland; and every benefit extended to that country would be returned with accumulated interest. The business was at last summed up in a motion made by lord Newhaven, that liberty should be granted to the people of Ireland to import sugars from the West-Indies. This was carried; but the merchants of Glasgow and Manchester having petitioned against it, it was again lost through the interference of the minister, who now exerted his influence against the relief he had formerly declared in favour of. Various other efforts, however, were made to effect the intended purpose; but nothing more could be obtained than a kind of compromise, by which lord Gower pledged himself, as far as he could answer for the conduct of others, that during the recess, some plan should be fallen upon for accommodating the affairs of Ireland to the satisfaction of all parties.

In the mean time the affairs of this country hastened to a crisis which forced the British ministry to give that relief so long solicited, and which they so often promised without any intention of performing their promises. As long as the affairs of the country were under consideration of the British parliament,