ington re signs. to propose, was only to vindicate the privilege of that 1784. house originating money bills in their own manner from the encroachments of a neighbouring assembly, which had lately, by certain resolutions, invaded that right. The motion was supported by 11 against 58. Nearly as soon as the projected changes in the British cabinet could be known in Ireland, the parliament was adjourned to the 20th of January. The money bills were in the mean time passed. Immediately upon the change of ministry in Eng- Lord Northland, Lord Northington sent in his resignation; it was accepted on the 7th of January, though his suscessor, the Duke of Rutland, were only appointed on the 24th of February, 1784. The house of commons met, according to adjournment, on the 20th of January, when the attorney-general moved a further adjournment, which was opposed by Sir Lucius O'Bryen, who saw no reason, why they should adjourn on account of a squabble for places, when the extreme distress of their country called their attention. The adjournment, however, was carried by a large majority. After the attorney-general had officially announced the appointment of the Duke of Rutland, Mr. Wil liam Brabazon Ponsonby moved a vote of thanks to * The stupendous effects of putting the British empire for nearly twenty years under the influence of Mr. Pitt, are viewed in the opposite extremes, according to the prevalence of political bias. The singular interference of a great personage during the debate in the lords upon Mr. Fox's East India Bill, and several interesting circumstances attending the consequent change of administration, together with the new appointments, are to be seen in my Historical Review, vol. II, p. 71, &c. 1784. Lord Northington, which produced rather an angry debate. The opposition objected to it, conceiving the address to import oblique censure on the volunteers, and an absolute rejection of parliamentary reform. The late ministerial party urged in its favor the lordlieutenant's patriotic refusal of an additional allowance of 4000l. per ann. and the unprecedented merit of not having added to the public debt. The period of eight months' viceregency, they contended, had not afforded an opportunity of reaping the fruits of the plans he had so wisely laid for the benefit of the country. The vote of thanks passed without amendment by a majority of 44. CHAPTER III. Administration of the Duke of Rutland. 1784. tions from ministra WITH this governor commenced the system of Mr. ExpectaPitt's administration, which ended in incorporated union the new ad of Ireland with Great Britain. This period of Irish his- tion: tory is peculiarly interesting, inasmuch as it discloses the means, by which England exercised its influence over that kingdom with more effect and less disguise, than before she had acquired a constitution and legislative independence. The opponents of the Rockingham administration were extravagantly elated upon the new appointments, for in the names of Pitt, Richmond, and Rutland, they read three of the staunchest friends of parliamentary reform: laying their immediate failure to carry this favourite measure, as well as those of a reduction in the army establishment, retrenchment of the expenditures in the civil departments, and protecting duties*, to the insincerity of the shortlived administration of the Whigs, they anticipated the instantaneous and zealous co-operation of their opponents and successors, in completing the civil liberty of Ireland. i. e. For protecting their own manufactures and enforcing the consumption of them at home, by laying heavy and prohibitory duties on the like manufactures imported from foreign countries. 1784. Duke of Rutland addressed. Bill for par liamentary When the house met, according to adjournment, a congratulatory address was unanimously voted to the Duke of Rutland. On one day thirteen petitions from counties and populous boroughs were presented to the house of commons by their respective represen tatives, praying a reform in the state of the representation of the people in parliament. The nation was now in the height of a political fever: elated with what they had obtained; soured by disappointment at being refused what they were taught to believe was still wanting to complete their freedom. The undisguised attempts both of parliament and government to discredit and dissolve the volunteers; the failure of the opposition to procure a reduction of the military establishment at the return of peace, all tended to foment jealousies between the citizen and the soldier*. Mr. Flood had no sooner returned from England, reform lost. than he moved for leave to bring in a bill for a more equal representation of the people in parliament. It was vehemently urged by Mr. Flood, and supported, though less warmly, by Mr. Grattan. The numbers * Every circumstance tending to alienate the minds of the citizens from the soldiery is, in our constitution, of more than ordinary consequence. A riot had lately happened at Island Bridge, where the outrages of the soldiery had exceeded the rules of military discipline, or even common humanity. This exasperated the populace. In retaliation, they had recourse to the barbarous practice of houghing the soldiers, whenever they found them straggling and off their guard. This induced General Luttrell to bring in a bill to give better protection to soldiers, and others, against the barbarous practice of houghing. sion were $5 for reform, and 159 against it. Thus was the spirit of the new administration soon discovered to be hostile to the popular wish for reform. The rejection of this and some other popular measures sharpened the animosity of the people even to outrage several of the members in the house of commons. 1784. popular The severity, with which the house of commons Causes of censured the publishers of some popular newspapers, discontent and the lord mayor of Dublin, for not preventing their circulation and calling in the military, added fuel to the discontents of the populace, which at last amounted to a tumultuous rising in Dublin. This unruly spirit of discontent was further fomented by the unpopularity of Sir John Blaquiere's paving bill*, against which the house would neither hear counsel at their bar nor receive the petition from the inhabitants at large. In this licentious disposition of the public mind, Mr. Foster who had been marked as an object of obloquy in the newspapers, brought in a bill for restraining the liberty of the press, which was the only remaining subject of importance, agitated in parliament during the session. It met with some opposition, though the provisions of it went no further, than to make known the *The Recorder reprobated the bill, as a system of unexampled tyranny and oppression. It placed, he said, in the hands of a set of low persons, (for commissioners acting for 1501. a year could be no other) a power to fine and torment with all the insolence of authority, every citizen of Dublin. It gave them power to raise taxes, and to borrow money; to summon whomsoever they thought proper before their tribunal; and upon neglect or disobedience, to impose a fine of 401. YOL. II. |