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physical strength. These are the methods that are "mighty through God, to the pulling down of strong holds, casting down imaginations, and every high thing [every thing aristocratical and despotic] that exalteth itself against the obedience of Christ."

And these peaceful weapons may be wielded, now, as in primitive times, by those who are accounted the "filth and offscouring of all things" the "fag end of society"-"the miserable multitude"" the rabble." Nor is it to be taken for granted that the gross ignorance and error, the heartless barbarism and tyranny that now reign and riot in the high places of Rhode Island, in her palaces and the learned halls upon East Providence hill-thick, dense, dark, and impenetrable as they may seem to be, are beyond the reach of these heavenly weapons. Suffocated and degraded as humanity must needs be, under such a heavy pressure of worldliness and wealth, of pedantry and pride, let us never forget that it is humanity still-that the vital spark of immortality is yet there; that the breath of omnipotent and sovereign Mercy may yet kindle it. Farther from the kingdom of heaven it may indeed be, than publicans and harlots-a more discouraging field of missionary labor it may present, than Burmah, or Hindostan, or the Sandwich Islands. But it is nevertheless within the province of Christian exertion and Christian prayer-for "the field is the world."

But let not Christian faith and enterprise be misdirected and foiled. Let no friend of God and of humanity think of opposing the weight of a feather, or of a straw against this mighty stream of baptized atheism, while he himself, continues to float down its current—to recognize its Christianity-to shake hands with it, at the communion table to sit under its teachings-to countenance its sanctimonious pretenses. The admitted maxim that an ungodly ministry, adhered to, inevitably drags down the flock to its own level, is full of signifi. cancy at this point. Adhesion can not be a duty-can not be admissible, when it involves apostasy-and let no man imagine his own spiritual attainments a guaranty of exception, in his own case. There is presumption, bordering on spiritual pride, in the attempted experiment.

As there is only ONE way for Christians to preserve their integrity, so there are only two ways for God to work out the world's redemp. tion-"to remove the despotisms that stand in the way of Christ's reign."

The one way is by that peaceful, Christian REFORMATION, which involves, of necessity, the withdrawal of Christian reformers from despotic ministers and churches, and enlistment in the establishment and support of true and free Christian churches and ministers, in their stead, to be used as the heaven-appointed instruments of the world's reformation, and deliverance.*

* OBJECTION.-But we are too few in numbers-too feeble in resources." ANSWER. "My grace is sufficient for thee."- "Not by might, nor by strength, but by my spirit, saith the Lord of hosts." "Where two or three are gathered together, in my name, there am I, in the midst of them."

The other way is by bloody REVOLUTION, by those "terrible things in righteousness" that shall sweep the earth as with the besom of de struction, and overturn, forcibly, the despotisms that stand in the way of Christ's reign.

The question to be settled in Rhode Island-in New England-im the United States-in Old England-on the continent of Europe-in Asia-in Africa-in the whole World-is NOT WHETHER the now existing despotisms, civil and ecclesiastical, shall be terminated, but HOW.

And the decision of this question rests chiefly with Christianswith the real friends of God and man, who are-to a great extentconnected with the churches that now exist-churches which are, in many cases, controlled and governed by despots, and wielded for the support of despotism and oppression and slavery, both in the church

and in the State.

To decide in favor of remaining connected with ecclesiastical arrangements that can not be divorced from despotism and wielded against it (for there are no neutrals) is to decide, not only in favor of apostacy, but in favor of the sure alternative, BLOODY REVOLUTIONS

and DESOLATING JUDGMENTS.

Christian reader! Each one must decide for himself. What decision is yours? The cause of liberty is the cause of God. Who is on the Lord's side? Who?

Who is for peaceful, CHRISTIAN REFORMATION? And who is for the DREADFUL ALTERNATIVE?

CONCLUSION.

All who prize political and civil freedom, (whether professors of re ligion or otherwise,) should understand distinctly that liberty can not be preserved without the active and all pervading presence of a liberty-inspired-a liberty-inspiring religion.-A community without any religion at all--if such a thing were possible-would be a soul-less community. And liberty, the soul of humanity, could not live without its atmosphere. Still less could it live in the atmosphere of a false, a despotic religion. The religion of a people whether it be spurious or genuine, always controls them, and determines their political as well as their eternal destiny. To suppose a free people clinging to the skirts of an ambitious, despotic, or servile priesthood, and listening, with confidence to religious teachers, who apologize for tyranny, is to suppose an impossibility-a self-contradiction. The question of preserving our civil, political, and religious freedom, resolves itself into the question-What sort of religious teachers shall be sought after, and listened to, and followed, and patronised? In what schools, and under what influences shall our teachers of religion, themselves, be educated and trained?

All this, the story of Rhode Island makes manifest. It shows us, too, that religious teachers, whose controlling influence no community ever escapes, are never neutral, (though in quiet times they may seem to be,) on the great question of human rights. Whenever the

test comes, they will show where they are, and range themselves on one side or on the other, where they belong. The pretended neutrals will always be found on the side of oppression. And just where you find them, in respect to the liberties of one race or complexion of men, just there will you find them in respect to the liberties of any other race, or complexion of men, whenever the proper opportunity for testing them is presented. There is no more real sympa. thy or zeal in the breasts of our ministers of religion (in city or country, in Rhode Island or out of it,) in behalf of the liberties of the masses of the common people of their own hue, and connected with their own churches, at the North, than there is in behalf of the masses, of a different hue, at the South. Common sense might have taught us that plain lesson, years ago. But God, who has determined to test and exhibit the characters of all men, has, in his all wise and holy providence, tested the characters of the leading clergy in Rhode Island, and their brethren in the surrounding States, and shown where they stand. The test next attaches itself to the mass of the people them. selves, those who profess to value, at least, their own rights, and their own freedom. Do they know enough, and will they exhibit faithfulness and self-denial enough To SEPARATE THEMSELVES AT ALL ENENTS, FROM ALL RELIGIOUS TEACHERS WHO ARE NOT HEARTILY ENLISTED IN THE CAUSE OF UNIVERSAL HUMAN FREEDOM? If so, the preservation of their liberties will be POSSIBLE-but not otherwise, unless by CONVULSIONS that shall make the ears of him that heareth it, to tingle.

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APPENDIX.

REVIEW OF PRESIDENT WAYLAND.

In the preceding pages we have alluded now and then to the two Discourses of President Wayland, but have noticed their contents only where the argument or investigation in which we were engaged, needed his testimony, or when it seemed proper to rebut his allega. tions in respect to the matters then under consideration. Some fur. ther notice of so distinguished a writer will, perhaps, be expected, before the subject is dismissed. Our readers will wish to know more of the positions he assumes, and of the arguments he uses, on topics of so much importance to the interests of human freedom. Our limits will restrict us to a few particulars, but we shall endeavor to select some of the most prominent.

"PREACHING POLITICS!"

Sermons on politics from President Wayland! Sermons, too, in which he takes sides in a pending political contest which divides the Christian community where the preacher resides,-a contest in which, (as he tells us) "men who call themselves the disciples of the Lord Jesus, and who partake of the elements of that body which was broken and of that blood which was shed for our sins" are arrayed on the side opposite to that which the preacher espouses. At the time of preaching and publishing his first sermon, it does not appear that these brethren against whom his arrows were leveled, were regarded otherwise than in "regular standing"-or that any "steps of gospel disipline" had been taken in respect to them; yet he publicly charges them with "one of the gravest crimes that can be committed against society" the crime of treason. And having exhausted his argument, he proceeds to add his anathemas. By the authority and in the name of Christ, he assures them that unless they give up their views of civil liberty, and of political duty, and practically adopt his own, they shall be disowned by the Judge of all, at the last day.* Nor does he

* Having laid down by his exposition of Romans xiii. 1, etc. the doctrine of passive and implicit submission to existing governments, the preacher adds→→→ "The laws which I have repeated to you are those which Christ has enacted. If you are his disciples, you must obey them, or he will declare, 'I never knew you.' You must choose, therefore, in this matter, whom you will serve." Sormon, p. 30.

stop here. Lest his preaching should seem to lack the support of example, he mingles actively in the political contest against his brethren. And how and where does the "legate of the skies" do this? At the polls? and with his vote? Not exactly but in the military ranks, with his musket! Lest his sermons should not suffice to convince his Christian brethren of their political errors, he will try what virtue there is in powder and ball! An impression, in some way, he is determined to make. Of the earnestness and zeal of the preacher there can be no question.

What has become of "the dirty waters of politics," now? Of the duty of Christians and ministers to stand aloof from them, lest their piety should be soiled-their spirituality impaired-the churches dis. tracted their peace disturbed-the Holy Spirit grieved-souls neg. lected and revivals of religion prevented?-What has become of the maxim that a preacher should know "nothing save Jesus Christ and him crucified," and that therefore, the political responsibilities and sins of men is a theme with which the pulpit should not be desecrated? Where are now, those "Limitations of Human Responsibility" with which President Wayland was wont to quiet the consciences of Christians, when their high political duties were urged on their atten. tion ?

In his second Discourse, (July 21st,) after about two month's time for reflection, the preacher does not appear to have changed his views of the duty of political preaching. What shall we make of all this? Had President Wayland and the leading clergy, of the same views, been leading their flocks in the wrong track, all the while they were urging upon them the Christian duty of abstaining from politics, and fencing themselves round with "Limitations" that should restrict them from redressing, at the ballot-box, the wrongs of the poor? Or does political action become a Christian duty only when the usurpa tions of the rich need support? When the rights of the people must needs be put down?

PATRICIAN PULPITS, AND CHURCHES—A PICTURE, BY PRESIDENT

WAYLAND.

In his second discourse, the preacher vindicates, at some length, the duty of preaching politics, and there is a strain of confession for past delinquencies, mingled with the argument.* In the course of his remarks, we have the following.—

"I am therefore obliged to confess that the pulpit must be responsible, in part, at least, for much of the error that has vitiated the public mind. The design of the public ministrations of religion is to pur

Did the preacher mean to confess as a fault, what he boasted of, as a merit, in the beginning of his first Sermon on the politics of R. Island? He then said"All who have ever known me will bear me witness, that I have never mingled in the strife of politics. Never, that I know of, have I uttered a syllable, either from the pulpit or the press, at which men of any political party have taken exception." Then he must have done little to reprove political iniquity, or to qualify himself to grapple with the political dispute in Rhode Island.

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