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fully exposed. But this is not all: the people are not only acquainted with the vices of the system, but also the most safe and effectual remedies? Formerly, they were the victims of spies and informers; they were det luded into abortive attempts against a system still too strong in its corrup tions, in the fears of some, and the venality of others, to be pulled down by open disorganized violence; but caution, perseverance, an indestructi ble hatred to boroughmongering, an unceasing hostility to every thing tending to its support, are now the maxims of Reformers. risa add at 2-1 With a people so enlightened and determined, there can be no doubt of ultimate triumph. They have strength, unity, and justice, all on their side. While the present system continues, they know it is in vain to look for either happiness or security. Ministers may pass bills; but unless they can destroy, this conviction, unless they can blot out the knowledge, communicated during the last four years; unless they can do that which Paine says is impossible to do, unless they make men unlearn what they have once learnt, they cannot arrest the progress of reform. Even fools, it is said, learn by experience, but the English: Oligarchy seems, blind to her admonitions. France before her revolution, exhibited the same principles in operation which are now observable in this country. Her population had become too enlightened to tolerate the abuses and injustice of govern ment. The rapacity of her clergy--the oppression and disgusting privi leges of her nobility-the decay and corruption of her institutionsa long period of extravagance and mis-rule-were the principal causes (which led to that terrible convulsion. Timely reform, no doubt, would have averted that catastrophe; but the clergy were loth to relinquish their tithes and the aristocracy their odious privileges. They would make no concession to the wants and intelligence of the people; they vainly endeavoured to maintain, by force, a corrupt and antiquated system, which had no identity with the opinions, the interest, or the welfare of the community; and the result was, that the church, the monarchy, and the aristocracy, were swept away in the whirlwind which followed; and those generous, enlightened, and liberal spirits, who had long lamented in secret the misery and bondage of the great mass of the people, were at length con stained to join in the annihilation of a system, which the bigoted obstinacy of its defenders would not suffer to be repaired.

Reform may be delayed for a time by the apathy of the middling classes, Something may be said in extenuation of the culpable neutrality of this part of the community. Many of them, in a great measure, have act

New Bills for the Restriction of the Press, &c.,

quired their wealth and importance under what is denominated the Pitt System, and they look to that system with a sort of filial gratitude as the author of their being. But it is an egregious error to suppose that they are indebted for their wealth and property to the policy of Mr. Pitt. To that minister England owes nothing but her wars, her debt, her taxes, and poor rates. These were the distinguishing features of his system, and they cannot be considered very conducive to commercial prosperity. In fact, it is to the people, not to the government,—it is to the discoveries of Watt, Arkwright, and Wedgewood, that the merchants and manufacturers are indebted for their wealth; and that they have been enabled, in spite of duties, taxes, and imposts, to maintain an ascendancy in every market in the world.

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To church and state the people owe little but their calamities. Even for their religious and moral character, they are indebted solely to themselves, Certainly it is not to the formularies, the ostentation, and the principles of the established church-the spawn of the church of Rome-that they would look for either the forms or precepts of Christianity; and as little would they expect to find examples of morality in the licentious lives of non-resident incumbents, or in the bribery, drunkenness, and perjury, of our representative system.

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-While, we think the middling classes are not in the least indebted for their prosperity to the policy of government, we think they will be still less benefited by the aristocratical military despotism about to be established. England would then be what France was before the revolution. There would then be only two classes in the state-the noblesse and the commonality. The middle classes would be merged in the mobility; and the only privilege they would enjoy would be that of contributing exclusively to the maintenance of a government, in the honours and emoluments of which they would not be allowed to participate.

We shall now conclude our observations on the Press Restriction Bills. The attempt to prevent the diffusion of political information among the people, is merely the continuance of the war against liberty and knowledge which commenced with the French Revolution. Knowledge is the great instrument by which the rights of the people are to be acquired, and of course it is against this powerful engine all the efforts of tyranny are directed. The new stamp duties are by no means the first effort that has been made. to fetter the operations of the press. The laws already in force for this purpose, and of recent date, are almost innumerable, and which were

New Bills for the Restriction of the Press, &c.

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intended by the joint operations of fear and vexatious restrictions, to narrow the circulation of political information. According to the laws now in force, every printer is compelled to print his name and place of abode at the bottom of every thing he prints; he is compelled to keep a copy in order to its being produced, if called for, to the Secretary of State; the printers or proprietors of a newspaper, are compelled to go to the stamp office, and swear that they are so; they are obliged also to make oath to their several places of abode; and the publisher is obliged to deposit one copy of every number of the paper in the stamp office, where it is ready to be produced against all the parties, in case of any prosecution for a libel,-oqa uncis baco To these impediments in the way of political publications, may be added the arbitrary and tyrannical powers of the Attorney-General. This officer can at any time file an information; he can bring a man to trial, or put the trial off, and may thus keep a prosecution hanging over a man as long as he lives.* When a man is brought into court, he can stop the prof ceedings, or go on with them. If two men are prosecuted and convicted for the same thing, he may bring one up for punishment, and suffer the other to escape without any punishment at all. In 1809, Sir Vicary Gibbs introduced the dangerous practice of holding to bail, or sending to prison in default of bail, immediately an ex-officio information is filed, and this may be done without bringing, or having any intention to bring the party to trial. a odgrugi & ut aldið powers one would have thought sufficient to restrain the abuses of the press; but, odious as these powers are, they are nothing compared to those about to be enforced against pamphlet writing. The proprietors of newspapers are only compelled to find securities for the payment of the stamp duties. The proprietors of pamphlets, under two sheets, swill be compelled to find securities, not only for the payment of the stamp duties, but also for the payment of any fine the court may impose in consequence of being convicted of a libel. Lord Castlereagh, however, modestly terms this no anodeslidng

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*By the new Traverse Bill, some alteration has been made in the Attorney-General, in this respect. According to this law, unless a person be brought to trial within a twelvemonth, the information is to be discharged, on the payment of the expenses. But the condition of paying the expenses renders the whole a nullity. In our account of Excise Informations, we have seen what the expenses of Crown Lawyers amount to; probably £100 or more. Few can, and none will, we imagine, pay this sum, for what it is obvious, from the delay of a twelvemonth, the AttorneyGeneral is afraid to submit to a Jury.

New Bills for the Restriction of the Press, &c.

attack upon upon the Freedom of the Press. He says it imposes no restraint previous to publication; it allows every man to lay what sentiments he pleases before the public. To many, no doubt, this doctrine will appear wholly incomprehensible. For our part we can see little difference betwixt the proposed measure and the establishment of a censorship. Government has marked out a certain class of publications for suppression; they have not put them down by name to be sure, and said that this and that paper shall not be circulated, but they have done what amounts to the same thing. Their regulations apply exclusively to one class of publications, and the condition imposed upon them being such as by many cannot be performed, it is exactly the same as if they were prohibited by the fiat of a Censor.

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* The distinction which is made betwixt the newspaper and the weekly press, shows clearly the object. Ministers find that too much knowledge diffused among the people is incompatible with their system, so they have determined to lay a tax upon it. All their efforts will prove abortive. An appetite has been created for information,' which must and will be satisfied. Those who cannot have a single paper, will subscribe and have a part of one'; thus the diffusion of information will continue to the same extent. No valuable idea, no principle, no useful hint or suggestion will be lost. This, however, does not alter the baseness of the intention; which equals fi wickedness the endeavour of the papists to prevent the people reading the Bible in a language they understood. The papists dreaded their craft should be exposed. They knew their emoluments, their influence, and the ridiculous veneration in which they were held, depended entirely on maintaining the mass of the people in ignorance of their real merit and pretensions." But the truth was at length discovered, and then followed a terrible réfor mation, which is exactly the result we anticipate from similar exertions on the part of our political monks. Their efforts to prevent the exposition of abuses, will do more to confirm men in a belief of their existence, and the unprincipled nature of the system, than could have been done by cheap publications in a century, and they admit their criminality in thus shrinking. from investigation. adgionda

Taz- Bank of England and the East India Company form the two strong outworks of the Government; and, by their various connexions and interests, add greatly to that mass of influence by which the latter is supported, Both, these powerful associations have become more like petty states, acknowledging a sort of feudatory dependence on the sovereign chief, than companies of traders, originally incorporated for commercial purposes. Both have risen from very humble beginnings, and perhaps it would not be easy to strike the balance of fraud and iniquity by which their power has been respectively acquired. Both have Leen nurtured under the fostering care of the Borough Government, to which, under particular emergencies, they have been indebted for assistance; and probably it is from a knowledge of this dependence, that these two chartered bodies feel such a lively inté.rest in the safety of the state, and that whenever any popular movement indicates any thing hostile to the government, they are instantly alarmed, and the Bank and the India House immediately placed in an attitude of defence.

Before we give any account of the revenue and influence of the East India Company, it may be proper to give a brief outline of the history of this powerful association, and just indicate those extraordinary events by which a few traders in mace, nutmegs, and ginger, have been able to extend their sway over sixty millions of inhabitants, whose happiness depends on their wisdom and justice. In giving this history, we shall enter into no detail of Asiatic triumphs, of battles and sieges. We have no taste for these things at best, but still less when the combatants are unequally matched,where we should have to exhibit the conflicts of wolves and sheep, and show, how 11070 Our intention was to have treated on the income of the Aristocracy in this part ; but it is unavoidably deferred.