had maintained a policy pronounced by a majority of the House over and over again injurious and dangerous to the country-whether such a Government, bound by such pledges, should be permitted to carry on the administration of public affairs without being summoned to the tribunal of public opinion. Having got into office under the cry of Protection, however, they asked to be let alone; but he said to them, Either recant Protection, or go to the con stituencies, and let them decide the question. Mr. Bright then went into an analysis of the constituencies by which several of the members of the Government were returned, and argued that there was no hope that an appeal to the country would give Protection a chance of success; that this was a question which the country would not suffer to be trifled with. If the Ministers were not for a Corn Law, let them say so; if any authorized member of Government would boldly avow that the time had passed by when any duty could be imposed upon corn, and that they would not attempt to tamper with the taxation upon the principle that certain classes had suffered which ought not to have suffered by the repeal of the Corn Law, the Government would never find him (Mr. Bright) voting a want of confidence in them. If they could not utter this avowal, he would make war against them.

The Marquis of Granby retained his opinion that the free-trade policy had inflicted suffering upon a large class, and that something should be attempted to modify the system. He still thought that the most advantageous mode of modifying this system was by imposing import duties, whereby the

foreigner was made to pay taxes which would allow the repeal of other imposts that pressed upon the industry of the country. He had every confidence that Lord Derby's Government would endeavour, if the country would support them, to effect such a modification; for it would be ridiculous, absurd, and mischievous to attempt to reverse a policy which had been the law of the land for five years, supposing the people were convinced that that policy was just and advantageous. After the declaration made by Lord Derby, he had no hesitation in supporting his Government.

After a few words from the Attorney-General, in answer to Mr. Bright, the discussion came to a close.

A rather important qualification was afterwards elicited from Lord Derby, respecting his statement of the 19th of March, on the probable duration of the session, and the intention of Government as to the first session of the new Parliament.

The Earl of Minto inquired of Lord Lyndhurst, on the 30th of March, whether he should proceed with his Bill for enabling either House of Parliament to take up in the ensuing session, a measure passed by the other House in the session preceding. As there was a general expectation of a very speedy dissolution, and that a short and hurried session would follow the general election, it might be well to proceed with many measures now, while their Lordships had much leisure time.

The Earl of Derby interposed to say, that "nothing had ever fallen from his lips which could lead any man to suppose that the present would be a session of unusually

pared for possible dangers that might soon arise out of the elements of anarchy and confusion. The Government had not received any information from or respecting any foreign Power which had increased or modified the danger which the present Ministry considered to exist at the time of their accession to power; but that was one of the circumstances by which they justified their present proposal: because our friendly relations with foreign Powers had increased and were increasing, the measure now proposed should be brought forward at this time; for it would be plain that under such circumstances it was not brought forward in jealousy or apprehension, but simply and solely because we believed that it was the first of duties to keep the country in a state of self-defence, because we knew that provident precaution against danger is the highest wisdom, and that the best security against the possibility of attack was always to be prepared and ready to meet it. As to the necessity for the measure, it was proved both by the concurrent opinion of all high military authorities, and by the very fact that Government after Government had prepared measures in times of panic such as that now to be proposed. But there were three classes of objectors to such a measure,those who said the present defence was enough; those who denied the immediate danger of attack; and those who said that if the defence be insufficient the proper improvement of it would be, not by a Militia, but by adding to the Army and Navy. Mr. Williams, on a former night, had cast up the troops very accurately: there were 100,000 men for the Army, 30,000 in India, 15,000 Pensioners, 13,500 Yeo

manry-in all, 160,000 men. But what number of men remained out of these for our own defences? Even this number was not a quarter of the army of Russia, not a half of the army of Prussia, nor one-third of the army of France, and very little more than the army of Belgium. But the British Empire comprehends one-sixth of the population and one-eighth of the habitable surface of the globe; and Mr. Walpole assured the House, that, drawing from the manufacturing districts, from our central depôts, from the metropolis itself, and from most of the fortified places, a great portion of the soldiers, we could not bring on any one point 25,000 men; and then the rest of the country, the metropolis itself, and the Queen's Palace, would be left to the defence of pensioners and police. The House was told the other night, by a gallant Admiral, that there were ships enough to cover the southern coast. But had we men in them? Supposing all the ships that might be manned and put in commission were manned, even that would not be sufficient. The only ships in commission for the home station at present were nine vessels of war, five frigates, one sloop, nine steamers propelled by screw, and eight steamers propelled by paddle. Without disparagement to either force, he thought he might assume that in such a state of things the country ought not to be left. Those who urged that there was no immediate danger he answered by these words of prescient wisdom from Edmund Burke :

-

"Early and provident fear is the mother of safety; for in that state of things the mind is firm and collected and the judgment

add greatly to the permanent expense, and both army and navy were instruments of attack as well as defence, so that an augmentation of either would rouse suspicion and provoke jealousy. The militia was a national institution-a force familiar to the country; we had actually at this moment a militia, for the law was only suspended. The militia had, moreover, done good service to the country, and, in assuming the character of soldier, the militia man did not renounce that of citizen. After a short review of the history of the militia laws, Mr. Walpole proceeded to develope the plan proposed by the Government namely, first, to raise, if possible, without abandoning the ballot, a force of 80,000 volunteers, to be drilled and trained under the regulations of the 43rd George III.; 50,000 only to be raised the first year, and 30,000 the second year, the period of service to be five years. Secondly, it was proposed to raise these men by bounties of 31. or 47., either to be paid down at the time, or at the rate of 28. or 2s. 6d. per month, the volunteer being at liberty to take it in one way or the other. Thirdly, with respect to the officers, it was proposed to dispense with the qualifications required by the 43rd George III. in regard to all

officers below the rank of major, and generally to consider the having been in the army equivalent to qualification. Fourthly, the Bill provided that the number of days' training required in the year should be 21, the Crown having the power to extend the period to seven weeks or to reduce it to three days. Lastly, with respect to the embodiment of the men, it was not proposed to make any alteration in the existing law. The expense required for bounty and equipment would be about 1,200,000l.; but if spread over five years, it would be about 240,000l. a year; except that during the first year the cost of equipment would raise the expense to 400,000l., including (as Mr. Walpole afterwards intimated), the clothing. This being a national defence, it was intended that the expense of the equipment, arms, and bounty should, save in districts which should not provide the proper quota, be borne by the public purse. Having disposed of anticipated objections, Mr. Walpole concluded by appealing to the House to accept this measure, and thereby assist the Government in accomplishing the object of providing an effectual defence for the country with as little interference as possible with the ordinary habits and industry of the people; observing that, if it were rejected, either from party motives or through an overweening confidence in the assumed impregnability of our insular position, the Government would have the satisfaction, at least, of knowing that they had endeavoured to do their duty.

Mr. Hume said that although he should not object to the introduction of the Bill, he disapproved of the policy pursued as unnecessary at the present time, when this

country was upon the most amicable terms with other nations.

Sir De Lacy Evans did not object to the amendment and consolidation of the militia law, but he would prefer an addition to the regular

force to the militia.

Mr. M. Gibson thought it would be better to defer this measure, connected with the permanent defence of the country, until after the general election. He would rather increase the regular army.

Lord Palmerston thought it was impossible to overstate the necessity of some permanent measure of this kind. He thought the measure of the Government, on the whole, a good one. He had always thought that voluntary enlistment might be advantageously resorted to as a substitute for the ballot; and he admitted the ingenuity of the plan of paying the bounty by monthly instalments, though he believed most would elect to have it at once. He supposed that the force would be liable to the obligations of the present militia law, and be applicable to serve in any part of the United Kingdom. ("Hear!" from the Treasury bench.) Then he deemed the plan to be highly deserving of the favour and sanction of the House; and, so far from feeling any desire to take advantage of it to turn out Her Majesty's present Government, he should be happy to afford them every assistance in his power to carry into effect what he deemed of importance to the nation.

Lord John Russell also enlarged on the precariousness of our condition-referring to the Pritchard affair, in Louis Philippe's time, to show how suddenly a most dangerous complication must arise. Lord John canvassed the mea

sure; demanding fuller explanations on what had always been the great difficulty with the militia, but which had been passed over in the admirably clear speech of Mr. Walpole-the ballot. How would it be taken? what would be the arrangements about the substitutes where the ballot failed? He doubted whether the bounty would be effectual were it payable by instalments; and feared that the volunteers would not reappear if the bounty were all paid on the first occasion of service. He commented jocularly on the course Lord Palmerston was taking. "The right honourable gentleman (Mr. Walpole) proposes a Bill for England; he proposes that the militia should be sent to any part of the United Kingdom, as I proposed; but he does not propose a Scotch or Irish militia. The objection of the noble Lord, however, does not apply to this Bill, although the propositions are the same. (Laughter.) The Scotch may be very brave men, and the Irish very loyal men, but the Militia Bill is not now to be applied to them."

Mr. Walpole afforded some of the explanations required by Lord Lord John Russell. He proposed to take for the purposes of the ballot the registrars' districts and the census of 1851, which would enable the quotas of men to be equitably fixed upon each district. The Government intended to fall back upon the ballot in the event of voluntary enlistment failing; and, as a necessary consequence, substitutes must be allowed. With regard to the expense of such a force, if 31. a man was paid as bounty, the sum required for the first 50,000 men would be 150,000l.; and the 30,000 men to