prints, and circulated gratis through the kingdom, in order that the exertions of Ireland may give a spur to the spirit of the British nation.

"The committee is rejoiced to observe, that the English letters are full of expressions of a high sense of the wisdom, spirit, and unanimity, that have characterized the volunteer army of Ireland: and that they all concur in conceiving the present to be the very moment, in which a radical parliamentary reform can best be effected. They universally agree in the idea, that the delegates at Dungannon should enter into a very comprehensive view of the matter, so as the principles of reform may be strongly marked in their resolves: receiving the sanction and concurrence of a general convention of delegates from the four provinces, a coincidence of sentiment in which they hold to be certainty of success.

Founded on much deliberation, assisted by the best information they could procure, the committee have ventured to prepare resolutions, comprehending a general system of ideas on the subject, which they will take the liberty, through their chairman, Lieutenant Colonel Sharman, with much humility, to move in the august body of representatives of the volunteer army of Ulster.

"The committee of correspondence have now only to apologise for their inability to so weighty a charge: happy if their labours shall meet the approbation of their fellow citizens, or tend in the most remote degree to any valuable purpose. They trust, that the spirit of firmness and integrity, which has already restored this ancient kingdom to her rank in the nations, will crown the 8th of September, 1783, as a day which is to form the groundwork of internal emancipation, on a basis as great as that on which our rights as an independent nation, have been with such rapid success already established."

The eve of a dissolution, the speculations upon the new elections, and the successful efforts of the patriots in the people's cause, had worked up the elated minds of the volunteers to an enthusiasm for parliamentary reform little short of that, which they had before evinced for free trade and legislative independence. The state and constitution of their House of Commons was fully and fairly set before their eyes even by the most moderate of their leaders. It consisted of three hundred members; sixty-four of them were sent by the counties, the remainder by cities and boroughs. The sixty-four from counties were in some measure, in the option of the people, and about as many more from the cities and boroughs might, by extraordinary exertions of the people, be freely chosen. Upon that calculation, the people by possibility might send one hundred and twenty-eight members to parliament. The other boroughs,

which were close or snug, sent the remainder one hundred and seventy-two. These were the property of some few lords and commoners, and being the majority, the House of Commons consequently as it stood was the representative of an aristocracy. It was to that point that government had been long tending. It was their constant object to keep up by means of this aristocratic influence in the commons that oligarchy or monopoly of power in that kingdom, which it was found nothing but an incorporate union possibly could dissolve, and which whilst it lasted was the fatal bane and calamity of that kingdom.

The next public act towards the attaining of this object, was a circular letter for England, composed and agreed upon by the committee of correspondence, and dated from Belfast on the 19th of July, 1783. It was also immediately published throughout Ireland; and as it contains the feelings and sentiments of the armed bodies of Ireland, and they had been allowed in both parliaments to speak the genuine sense of the people of Ireland, the historian cannot more faithfully transmit them to posterity than in their own words.

Ordered, That the following circular letter, signed by the secretary in the name of this committee, be forwarded to.......... inclosing a copy of the resolutions of the provincial meeting of volunteers of Munster, and of the proceedings of the forty-five volunteer delegates assembled at Lisburn on the first inst. respecting a parliamentary reform.

To, &c.

Belfast, 19th July, 1783.

"Your attachment to the rights of the people, and to the "general prosperity of the British empire, induce us to ad"dress you on the present great and momentous occasion.

"The spirit of freedom, which pervades all ranks of people “in Ireland, with the just and wise policy of the British nation, "having for ever removed all possible cause of jealousy between "the sister kingdoms, and united us to Britain on the basis of equal liberty and similar constitution; it becomes the duty, "as it is the interest of each kingdom, to assist the other in their "endeavours to restore to its ancient purity and vigour, a decayed, enfeebled, and sickly constitution.

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"In both nations, it is now generally acknowledged, that this great object can be obtained by no other means but by a reform "of the representation in parliament. In England, the measure "has for the present miscarried, though supported by so many "wise, honest, great, and independent men. We trust, how66 ever, it has miscarried only for a season, and that the next attempt will prove successful. Ireland has now taken up the "idea, and if we shall be so happy as to see success crown our "efforts, we think considerable weight will be thereby added

"to the endeavours of the people in England. The people of "the two nations, united in pursuit of the same important object, must be not only powerful, but irresistible.

"The enclosed papers, which we request you may peruse, "will shew how far this country has already gone in determin"ing to procure a more equal representation; the unanimous "resolutions of about fifteen thousand volunteers, already de"clared in a very few weeks, assure us the resolves of the dele"gates of Ulster, who are to assemble on the 8th of September "next, will be no less unanimous; and we well know, that what "the volunteers (vast numbers of whom are freeholders) shall "determine on, the other freeholders and people in general, "who are not volunteers, will adopt and support, by every "means in their power: the aged fathers cannot differ from their "sons, respecting a matter, on which depends every thing, that "either hold dear for themselves or their posterity.

"That you may see the very depraved state of our represen "tation, it is necessary to observe, that out of three hundred "members, of which our House of Commons consists, about "two hundred and twenty are returned by boroughs. Those

one hundred and ten boroughs are divided into three classes: "1st. Those, where the right of election is vested in the Pro"testant inhabitants at large: 2d. Those, where the right of "election is vested in the chief magistrate, burgesses, and free"men: 3d. Those, where the right of eclection is confined

to the chief magistrate and burgesses, frequently not ex"ceeding five or six in number, and seldom above ten or "twelve.

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"Almost all the boroughs are either venal and corrupt, or "implicitly obedient to the arbitrary will of their respective "landlords, who dictate to the electors in the most absolute manner. Those landlords claim by prescription a kind of “ property in those boroughs, which they transfer by sale like 66 an estate, and receive from eight thousand to nine thousand "pounds for a borough, and a seat for a borough is generally "sold for two thousand pounds; so that every seven or eight years the borough brings in four thousand pounds to the patron. Unhappily for Ireland, our counties are also too "much governed by our peers and great men, whose influence "over many of their respective tenants is very great. This "consideration has given rise here to a doubt in the minds of "some well-meaning men, as to the propriety of adding to the "number of knights of the shire, as generally now, two great "families endeavour to divide between them the seats for the "county, the others remain neutral, or join the independent "interest. It is alleged, were there six seats for the county, "six great families would divide them, and that to such a com

"bination, the independent freeholders would not be able to "make any effectual opposition.

"May we now intreat, as a most important favour conferred "on us, and on this kingdom, that you will favour us with your "sentiments and advice, as to the best, most eligible, and most practicable mode of destroying, restraining, or counteracting "this hydra of corruption borough-influence; that we may be "enabled to lay your opinion before the provincial assembly "of delegates at Dungannon: and as our last meeting for "arranging business previous thereto, is fixed to be on the 20th "of August, we hope you will be obliging enough to forward your reply, so as to be with us about that time.

"Many apologies are due for this long address, and for the "very great trouble we have requested you to take; but we are young in politics, and wish for information from men of more "wisdom, experience, and abilities. This however we may "venture to assert, that if we can only be directed to the best "mode, the mass of the inhabitants of Ireland is so completely "alive and sensible to the necessity of a well-digested reform, "that there cannot remain a doubt that what it attempts, in conjunction with the virtuous part of England, must be effec"tual.

"The several matters on which we have requested your opinion are thrown into one view in the following queries. "In order to the purity of parliament, and to restore that "constitutional control, which the constituent body should have "over the representative,

"1st. Is it necessary that the boroughs, where the elective suffrage is vested in a few, and which in general are at "the absolute disposal of one or two persons, should be disfran"chised, and in their place the county representatives in"creased?

2d. "The Protestant inhabitants consist of near one mil66 lion, who return three hundred members; would it be wise "to increase the number of representatives for the nation at "large?

"3d. A plausible objection, mentioned before, has been made "against an increase of county representatives; has that argument much weight, and if it has, is it remediable?

"4th. Should suffrage be extended; and if it should, who "are the proper objects of such extension?

"5th. In order to guard against undue influence, would it be "wise to have the members returned by ballot?

"6th. Would not a limitation of the duration of parliament, "to a shorter term than eight years, have excellent effects; and "should it be less than triennial?

"7th. If the abolition of the enslaved boroughs is necessary: "would it be equitable or expedient that they be purchased by "the nation?

"8th. What specific mode of reform in the representation of "Ireland best suits your own ideas, considering the situation of "this country; and what are the steps, which you conceive "best adapted to effect that reform?

"You will be so obliging as to direct your reply to our chair66 man, Lieutenant Colonel Sharman, at Lisburn.

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Signed by order,

"H. Joy, jun. Secretary."

As soon as the delegates had come to unanimous and strong resolutions upon the necessity and nature of some parliamentary reform before the members were all returned, in order to influence the electors in their choice, and the elected in their obedience to the call and wishes of their constituents, on the 8th of September, 1783, the following resolutions were published, and rapidly and gratuitously circulated throughout every part of the kingdom.

ULSTER VOLUNTEER ASSOCIATION.

At a meeting of two hundred and seventy-two companies of the Volunteer Army of the province of Ulster, by their delegates held at Dungannon, on Monday the 8th of Septemtember, 1783,

Colonel JAMES STEWART, of the Tyrone regiment in the chair,

The following resolutions were unanimously entered into: I. "Resolved unanimously, That freedom is the indefeasible "birthright of Irishmen and Britons derived from the author of "their being; and of which, no power on earth, much less a "delegated power, hath a right to deprive them.

II. Resolved unanimously, That they only are free, who are governed by no laws, but those to which they assent, either "by themselves in person, or by their representatives freely "chosen, subject to the control, and frequently returning into "the common mass of constituents.

III. "Resolved unanimously, That the majority of our House "of Commons is not chosen by the people, but returned by the "mandate of peers or commoners; either for indigent boroughs, "where scarcely any inhabitants exist, or considerable cities "and towns, where the election franchise is vested in a few, "who are thus suffered to place the highest trusts of society