there was also a considerable number of pensions granted to members of that house or to their connections, within the same period, and that the joint increase was so considerable, as to comprehend a number which, when taken from one side and added to the other, was not less than that majority, which had, in the course of that session, usually decided the great questions between the people and the minister.

That when they looked at the progress of influence within the last twenty years, they found, that the number of revived or new places and salaries created within that period, and then in the possession of members of that house, was not less than forty, a number which exceeded all the counties in Ireland, and that they could not but observe, that the number of placemen and pensioners, then members of that house, were not less than 108. That to that they were to add a number of persons expecting both reversions and honours; and that they could not avoid informing his majesty, that they had but too strong reason to apprehend, that the ministers of the crown had grossly abused the prerogative, by virtue of which his majesty had been wont to confer honours on the subject, and they apprehended, that his ministers had entered into various agreements for the purpose of procuring improper and corrupt returns into that house by the sale of the honours of the other.

That they were most apprehensive for the safety of their li berties; inasmuch as the attempts of actual influence had been accompanied by positive declarations, and his majesty's faithful' commons had been informed, that in order to defeat a resistance made in parliament to the will of the minister, certain great portions of public money had been expended, to which most alarming confession they could annex no meaning other than that the government of that country formerly had, in breach of trust, misapplied the public treasure under the names of place, pension or salary, to induce individuals to betray the community for such corrupt considerations.

That even the particular sums so expended had been specified and confessed; and that such corrupt and desperate practice alarmed them the more, because it had not transpired as a crime to be punished, but had been openly avowed as an instrument of government to be again resorted to.

That such exercise of influence had not only been confessed, but defended on a principle most offensive to the feelings, and derogatory from the condition of his majesty's subjects of Ireland.

That when they sought the same securities and provisions for the liberties of the people, which Great Britain had adopted against the corrupt influence of the minister, they had been told, that such provisions, however proper in Great Britain,

were not calculated for the meridian of Ireland; for that the government in that country should be stronger than the government in Great Britain, and of course the influence and authority of the people of Ireland comparatively weaker in the balance of the constitution.

That such wild and unconstitutional distinction, construing the people of Ireland out of the benefit of equal liberty, to introduce among them a superior degree of corruption and profligacy, called forth from his majesty's faithful commons of Ireland, the warmest protestations, and they did protest against it accordingly. And they further did, in the name, and on behalf of the people of that realm, claim, and challenge an equal inheritance in the blessings of the British constitution, and an equal right to secure those blessings by every wise and salutary law.

That they begged leave further to inform his majesty, that per sonal as well as political liberty was in danger; that the subject had been imprisoned against law, by being holden to arbitrary and excessive bail. The declaration of rights, calculated to secure him against such oppression, had been disregarded and violated; the liberty of the press attacked, and the hopes of the nation in her grand inquest of correcting such mischiefs blasted by the interposition of his majesty's ministers protecting from injury those illegal and arbitrary proceedings, which they could not presume to justify.

That they had ventured to lay the above particulars before his majesty, most humbly imploring his majesty's royal interposition, to guard their country against those dangers, which then threatened the independence of parliament, and the liberties of the people."

This was the last attack made by the patriots during the session: despairing of being able to carry any question whatever against a majority, which had remained so steady in their ranks, they resolved to perpetuate to posterity the real grounds of their opposing the late system of government, by recording them in the form of an address on the journals of that house. The debate was kept up with heat and acrimony till 4 o'clock on the Sunday morning; when upon the question of adjournment, the house divided 141 against 90.*

The parliament was prorogued on the 5th of April, 1790, and the viceroy informed them in his speech from the throne, that as the important objects, which had engaged their attention during the session, had been accomplished, he had great pleasure in signifying his majesty's approbation of the zeal they had shewn for the public interest; and the dispatch, with which they had concluded the national business.

* 10 Parl. Deb. p. 421.

In vain had the patriotic side of the House of Commons exerted their talents, and played all the powers of their batteries upon the ministerial phalanx: although a majority had been long secured, additional force was found requisite either to gain fresh proselytes or strengthen the wavering. A numerous creation of peers took place; and the parliamentary interest of the castle was thereby unquestionably increased. The very nature of the different questions, which had been pressed upon the ministers during the session, necessarily engaged and roused the feelings of the people out of doors. The Whig club, which was most obnoxious to government, was regularly attended by the most popular characters: it increased in numbers, and attention to the ends of its institutions. A northern Whig club was formed at Belfast, and Lord de Clifford placed in the chair. This gave fresh umbrage to the castle and the newspaper contests for and against the club exceeded all moderation. Most of the volunteer corps, which kept up any share of their original spirit, identified themselves in a manner with it, as their beloved General Lord Charlemont was a constant attendant. Besides the late creation of peerages, the recent collation of so many places and pensions upon members of parliament, and the rejection of every popular motion made in the commons, which were felt or treated as public grievances affecting equally every part of the nation, a particular ground of discontent attached itself to the metropolis. The police bill was execrated by all, except those, who received under it emolument, patronage or power. One of the grand objections against it, was, that it served as an instrument for encreasing the power of the castle in the corporation. It was therefore proposed by some of the popular party, that a test should be subscribed by the mayor and aldermen not to accept of any place under the police; which they were so far from agreeing to, that they entered into an engagement, that no man should be elected or eligible to the board of aldermen, who should have signed any declaration or test whatever. The repeated failure of Mr. Alderman James in his election to the may oralty by the exertions of Mr. Napper Tandy, who was at that time very popular in the city, brought the mayor and aldermen and the common council to an open and violent rupture.

The different extraordinary movements on the Continent, gave rise to stron ; rumours of war: and the temper of the peo ple of Ireland eagerly seized that opportunity of reviving and encreasing the corps of volunteers. Several offers were made to government to raise regiments of Roman Catholics. The progress of the French revolution, which at this time was spoken of by many of the first statesmen, politicians and philosophers,

with sympathy and admiration, became a favourite topic with the Irish: they had so recently obtained their own civil freedom and independence, that they were forward in sympathizing with others in pursuit of a similar object. The Belfast papers were conspicuous for their panegyrics on the French struggle against despotism, and their ardent efforts to attain a free constitution, That revolution had not yet exhibited any of those symptoms, at which a fair advocate for liberty should faulter. For some time the government of Ireland began to dread the pruriency of civil freedom throughout the kingdom, and particularly in the province of Ulster. They sought the corrective in coercion and severity. Many then judged, that a lenient system would be more efficient. In this year the Irish government gave a strong illustration of the pliancy of the human mind to time and circumstance. That sympathy, which had induced Lord Buckingham to countenance, cherish and reward the emigrant democracy from Geneva, had now turned into disgust and horror. The secretary openly announced the intention of government to abandon their intention to carry the project of a colony at New Geneva into execution. Fortunately for the country this sudden change in the sentiments of the castle turned out a saving of 33,000l. so much out of the 50,000/ having remained unapplied: it was carried to the credit of the nation.

*

Notwithstanding the present prevalence of the popular political opinions out of parliament, the influence of the castle prevented any great change in the return of members to the new parliament. The dissolution took place on the 8th of April, 1790, and the new parliament was summoned to meet at Dublin on the 20th of May, but before that time was further prorogued to the 10th of July, when it met for dispatch of

business.

During that short session, which lasted only to the 24th of the month, little occurred worthy of notice. When Mr. Secretary Hobart moved, that Mr. Foster should again take the chair in that assembly, Mr. Conolly moved as an amendment, that the name of the Right Honourable William Brabazon Ponsonby should be inserted: but the house did not divide, and Mr. Foster was re-elected, accepted and complimented by the lord lieutenant; who then made the following speech to both houses.

MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,

"I HAVE it in command from the king, to acquaint you, that his majesty some time since received

* 19 Parl. Deb. p. 137.

❝information, that two vessels belonging to his majesty's sub"jects, and navigated under the British flag, and two others, "the description of which is not hitherto sufficiently ascertained, “had been captured at Nootka Sound, on the north-west coast "of America, by an officer commanding two Spanish ships of "war; that the cargoes of the British vessels had been seized, " and that their officers and crews had been sent as prisoners "to a Spanish port. His majesty in consequence of this trans"action, and of the communications which had passed on the "subject between his majesty and the court of Spain, directed "his minister at Madrid to claim such full and adequate satis"faction, as the nature of the case evidently required. And his "majesty having also received information that considerable "armaments were carrying on in the ports of Spain, judged it indispensably necessary to give orders for making such prepa"rations as might put it in his majesty's power to act with vigour " and effect in support of the honour of his crown, and the inte"rests of his people.

"His majesty entertains the strongest desire for the mainte"nance of peace, on just and honourable grounds, and he has "directed me to assure you, that no proper steps shall be omit“ted by him, which may conduce to this object: but if unfortunately his majesty's endeavours should not be successful, "he has the fullest reliance on the cordial and effectual support "of his parliament of Ireland, in the prosecution of such measures as may eventually become necessary for the honour of "his crown, and for the protection of the essential rights of all "his subjects, and the common interests of the empire.

66

"Convinced that the same regard for his majesty's royal person, family and government, which have at all times dis "tinguished his subjects of this kingdom, will be equally mani"fested upon this occasion, I entertain no doubt of my being "authorized to convey to his majesty, the fullest testimony of "your attachment, loyalty and zeal."

When Sir Henry Cavendish, who had recently quitted the opposition, moved for the address to the lord lieutenant, he complimented the nation upon their tranquillity and happiness rather beyond what the existing circumstances then warranted. He thought it unnecessary to enter into any panegyric on the personal merit, or government of the viceroy: both were felt, and spoken of every where he went to: and the peace, happipiness, and tranquillity of the country, were the best proofs that its government was well administered.

Mr. G. Ponsonby congratulated the right honourable baronet on the sudden discovery he had made in the merits of the present administration; and he lamented, that his own discernment did not allow him the happiness of altering his opinions