that had been made, he could not avoid expressing some surprise, that gentlemen were not sufficiently alarmed by common fame at the end of Lord Northington's administration, to bring forward such a charge then. Common fame certainly did then report, that peerages had been notoriously granted in return for seats in the Commons House of parliament; yet the right honourable gentleman and his friends were in the confidence of that administration, and must be presumed to be informed of the fact. On which, Mr. Conolly remarked, that his right honourable friend had asked a plain, unequivocal, direct question, and the house was to judge whether he had received an intelligible and satisfactory answer. The division was 144 against, and 88 for the motion.

Another strong attack was made on the system of the new police, in a very heated debate, that arose upon the order of the day (24th February) for going into a committee on the bill to continue an act passed in the 27th year of his present majesty, intituled, "An act for the better execution of the law and pre"servation of the peace within counties at large.”

*When Mr. Forbes moved the place bill to be read a second time, he shortly observed, that to expatiate on the necessity of the bill before the house would be idle, when it was recollected, that no less than one hundred and four persons, holding places or pensions, were members of that house. If authority were necessary to justify the bill, authority was not wanting; for more than fourscore years Great Britain had experienced its beneficial effects; it was a principle annexed as part of the conditions of placing on the throne the family of Brunswick; it was a principle interwoven with the revolution, and considered as essential to the preservation of the people's liberty; and if these reasons were not sufficiently strong, he would add one more: since the last session of the Irish parliament, no less than fourteen new places had been created, and bestowed upon members of that House of Commons.

The chancellor of the exchequer expected the honourable gentleman would have urged some new or strong argument for adopting so strong a measure as a total change in the principles of their government. The honourable gentleman had said, that they had the example of England before them; but in England tenfold precaution was necessary, because in England the patronage of the crown was ten times greater than it was in that country.

The heat of this debate exceeded that of any one of the sessiont, and the opposition was the largest, viz. 96 against 143.

* 10 Par. Deb. p. 329.

In this debate Mr. Grattan held the following strong language. 10 Par. Deb. 340. Sir, I cannot avoid observing, that in this day's debate, gentle

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Another very long and interesting debate took place upon the legality of issuing FIATS for levying unascertained damages. One Magee, the printer of a paper, whilst under a criminal prosecution at the suit of Mr. Higgins, was confined to gaol upon different fiats, signed by Lord Clonmel, to the amount of 78007. He had petitioned parliament; a committee had been appointed, and Mr. George Ponsonby moved," that it was the

men on the other side of the house have adopted a certain tone of power, I "presume in consequence of a very indecent and disorderly interposition on "the part of one, who does not belong to this house, though he has lately "interfered in its proceedings. Sir, I am not uninformed to what length that "person went within these walls, even during the debates of this house; it "seems to me somewhat strange, that gentlemen on the other side should "dwell so much on the necessity of parliamentary decorum, when they "have been evidently spirited up by an interposition, which in itself was the "grossest violation of parliamentary decency. Sir, I have been told it was "said, that I should have been stopped, should have been expelled the com"mons, should have been delivered up to the bar of the lords for the expres"sions delivered that day.

"I will repeat what I said on that day: "I said that his majesty's ministers "had sold the peerages, for which offence they were impeachable. I said "they had applied the money for the purpose of purchasing seats in the "House of Commons for the servants or followers of the castle, for which "offence I said they were impeachable. I said they had done this, not in one "or two, but in several instances, for which complication of offences I said "his majesty's ministers were impeachable, as public malefactors, who had "conspired against the common weal, the independency of parliament, and "the fundamental laws of the land; and I offered, and dared them to put this "matter in a course of inquiry. I added, that I considered them as public "malefactors, whom we were ready to bring to justice. I repeat these "charges now, and if any thing more severe were on a former occasion ex"pressed, I beg to be reminded of it, and I will again repeat it. Why do you "not expel me now? Why not send me to the bar of the lords? Where is your adviser? Going out of the house I shall repeat my sentiments, that his "majesty's ministers are guilty of impeachable offences; and advancing to "the bar of the lords, I shall repeat those sentiments, or if the tower is to be "my habitation, I will there meditate the impeachment of these minisSir, I think I know myself "ters, and return not to capitulate, but to punish. "well enough to say, that if called forth to suffer in a public cause, I "will go farther than my prosecutors, both in virtue and in danger."

10 Par. Deb. p. 363. One fiat for 4000l. was issued against him on the affidavit of Mr. Daly, the manager of the Dublin theatre, who swore, that certain malicious paragraphs had appeared in Magee's newspaper, in conse quence of which he had suffered damages to the amount of 40007.; particularly, that his four daughters and one son had suffered that loss in their future prospects in life by the representations made in that paper that he gained a livelihood by gaming. Another fiat had issued for 8007. on an affidavit of one Brennan, who estimated his loss at that sum for having been accused of keeping a house of reception. A third issued for 10007. on the affidavit of Miss Fanny Tracey, (the residuary legatee of Mr. Higgins) who swore, that she believed she had suffered to the amount of that sum by an insinuation in that paper, that she was better acquainted with a certain gentleman, than she ought to be. And a fourth had issued for 10007. on the affidavit of Mr. Higgins, that his character (quod vide, p. 256, vol. 2. in a note) had suffered to that amount, from certain malicious insinuations contained in Magee's papers. Magee's case was taken up very warmly by the public, and this failure in parliamentary relief, in which he had been very sauine, tended to encrease the unpopularity of government.

opinion of the committee, that the issuing writs from courts "of justice in actions of slander or defamation, where the sum "of damages could not be fairly ascertained, and holding

persons to special bail in excessive sums thereon, is illegal "and subversive of the liberty of the subject." The motion, however, was lost by a majority of 125 against 91.

Similar divisions after long and heated debates, determined the fate of the responsibility and pension bills. In the debate of the preceding evening, the gentlemen of the opposition had been called up from the treasury bench, with an air of authority, to account for their very extraordinary conduct, during the whole of that session of parliament. It certainly was an unpleasant session to the minister. On the 6th of March, Mr. Curran rose to make his promised motion; which he prefaced with a long and animated speech. In answer to the recent call from the opposite treasury benches, he said, on their conduct he was not afraid to appeal solemnly to the sense of the people, at the eve of a political dissolution, when the members of the house were about to be refunded to the great mass of the people, and to give an account, whether they had been remiss in their parliamentary vigilance, slumbered upon their posts, or betrayed the passes of their constitution. He said, gentlemen on his side of the house had been accused of invective: it was not their wish to shield, but scourge venality. He decried the invective, that could call a blush into the cheek of virtue or innocence; but the invective complained of, was the last resource, which God had left to injured virtue, and he gloried in the name of being one of its dispensers. No man, he said, could be blamed for want of character or talents; he blamed not ministers for inability to defend, but for inclination to destroy. They had been charged with vindictiveness: but did they not, while trampling on the liberty of the press on one side, employ it for the purposes of vilification, misrepresentation, and scurrility on the other? He then called upon the country to witness, that he and the friends with whom he acted, were solemnly pledged to each other never to resign the project, which he had held up against corruption; and though he might never again rise in that house, though it might not be their fate to see the perfection of that constitution, which they hailed on its return to life, they would never relinquish their efforts in its support. He had the satisfaction to reflect, that in those countries where liberty was extinguished, it had never given way, but when the corruption of the prince had combined with the vices of the people for its subversion. But he thanked Heaven that country was blessed with a virtuous and patriotic prince, attached to the freedom and happiness of his people, and the spirit of the people was yet unbroken: even in the capital, where corr uption sat like an

Incubus upon the public heart, and sucked the vital blood of the. constitution, the indignation of the people was manifest against the conduct of their rulers. He called upon the representatives of the people to join him in an address to his majesty; in a supplication to that king, whom all revered, not as from an humble arm of the British empire, but as from a great and independent kingdom, to free them from those measures, which rendered that country a scandal to the name of British liberty. He concluded his speech by moving the following re

solution:

"Resolved, That an humble address be presented to the king, to inform his majesty, that having taken into consideration the growth of expence and influence in that country, it appeared on a comparative view of the public charges of 1789, with those of 1784, exclusive of the charges for bounties and parliamentary grants, and including the charges in collecting the revenue, that there had been in 1789, an increase of expence of 183,000% That the civil list within that period, had increased 31,000. of which the increase of the pension list was 16,000l. besides 14,000l. which had ceased, and was supplied within the same period: so that in the course of five years, not less than 30,000% a year in pensions had been granted on the civil establishment alone, besides an encrease in military pensions, and in charges on other establishments in the nature of pensions.

That the expence of collecting the revenues has, since Ladyday, 1784, increased 105,000/.

That the increase of expence of collecting the hereditary, additional, and stamp duties, had increased 73,000l. without including additions made since March, 1789, by adding two members of parliament to the revenue board, and making nine commissioners of revenue instead of seven, the number to which the commissioners were in 1773, reduced by public agreement; and also, without including new salaries, given in the persons of five members of parliament, to stamp officers, for discharging a duty which was formerly annexed to the board of accounts by public agreement, and executed without any distinct salary, and without complaint.

That this encrease of 73,000/. could not be justified. That the new taxes, particularly those on malt and tobacco, were no excuse for such an encrease, inasmuch as the tax on malt produced not more than 27,000l. net, and that the late excise on tobacco was not attended with any encrease of revenue.

That that expence was the more censurable, because the collection of the revenue was already loaded with many unnecessary charges, particularly great salaries to officers of customs who did no duty, and with other sinecure offices which were in fact pensions, given to individuals for political

considerations, without any view to the collection of the re

venue.

That the encrease of the revenue since 1784, after paying drawbacks and bounties, appeared to be a sum not less that 168,000. but by the encrease of expence in collecting the same, was reduced to a net sum of about 67,000l. so that after deducting the charge of 32,000l. for the post-office, his majesty's government paid 73,000l. for getting net to the treasury 67,000l.

That they were sensible of the blessings of his majesty's reign, and the improving the state of the agriculture and commerce of the country, but must consider the same as the result of a free constitution, recovered under his majesty's auspices, and not of the ability or virtue of his present ministers; on the contrary, that their plans of expence, if not immediately checked, would deprive them of those blessings, inasmuch as the public expence exceeded the public income in a sum of not less than 70,000l. after allowing for a payment of 34,000% made to government that year for New Geneva, which was a casual resource, and would not again recur; so that their annual expence then was in a course of exceeding their annual income in a sum of more than 100,000/. notwithstanding the new

taxes.

That in the two last years, ending Lady-day, 1789, after striking off fictitious charges, they had encreased the debt of the nation 113,000l. notwithstanding a surplus of the loan duties in that period, to diminish the funded debt, and the continuation of those new taxes, which were granted in confidence of preventing the accumulation of any debt whatsoever.

That this house having before them the returns of those articles of revenue, in which the health and comforts of the people were particularly concerned, could not but observe, that the regulations affecting the breweries, appeared not only to have been fruitless, but in a great degree pernicious, inasmuch as the inland excise on beer and ale, for three years previous to July, 1789, produced not less than 390,000l. whereas the said excise for the three years, ending 1790, produced 266,000l. which was a falling off in the latter period of 124,000l. so that the breweries had been almost extinguished by the present regulation, and instead of giving the people a wholesome and necessary liquor, the regulations of his majesty's ministers had extracted a pernicious income from the sale of spirits, at the expence of the morals and health of the lower class of the people.

That this house having taken into consideration the growth of influence, begged leave to inform his majesty, that within the last year, the new salaries and additional places created for members of that house, together with new or revived offices for the same, amounted to a number not less than fourteen, and