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by persons of great and respectable authority, he thought it was become absolutely necessary, that they should not be left doubtful and unsettled. Upon this declaration, his Royal Highness the Duke of York rose to express his sentiments on a subject, in which the dearest interests of the country were involved. He entirely agreed with the noble Earl (Fitzwilliam) and other lords, who had expressed their wishes to avoid any question, which tended to induce a discussion on the rights of the prince. The fact was plain, that no such claim of right had been made on the part of the prince; and he was confident, that his royal highness understood too well the sacred principles, which seated the house of Brunswick on the throne of Great Britain, ever to assume or exercise any power, be his claim what it might, not derived from the will of the people, expressed by their representatives and their lordships in parliament assembled. It was upon that ground that he must be permitted to hope, that the wisdom and moderation of all considerate men, at a moment when temper and unanimity were so peculiarly necessary, on account of the dreadful calamity which every description of persons must, in common, lament, but which he more particuiarly felt, would make them wish to avoid pressing a decision, which certainly was not necessary to the great object expected from parliament, and which must be most painful in the discussion to a family already sufficiently agitated and afflicted. Such, his royal highness observed, in conclusion, were the sentiments of an honest heart, equally influenced by duty and affection to his royal father, and by attachment to the constitutional rights of his subjects: and he was confident, that if his royal brother were to address them in his place, as a peer of the realm, these were the sentiments, which he would distinctly avow.

He was followed by his Royal Highness the Duke of Gloucester, who strongly deprecated the discussion of a question, which could only tend to produce the most mischievous consequences. He felt so strongly on the subject, that, if the attempt were persisted in, and the question brought before that house, he could only say, that he believed he should not dare to trust himself to come forward and speak his sentiments on the extraordinary conduct of those, who were unnecessarily inclined to compel a decision on so delicate a question.

Notwithstanding the entreaties of the princes of the royal family, the ministers persevered in their intention; and the lord chancellor closed the conversation by declaring, that though he much lamented the starting of such a question, yet he did not see how they could now avoid coming to some determination upon it.

On the 16th of December, the House of Commons having resolved itself into a committee, Mr. Pitt moved the three

following resolutions, the first of which was voted unanimously.

1. That it is the opinion of this committee, that his ma"jesty is prevented, by his present indisposition, from coming "to his parliament, and from attending to public business; and "that the personal exercise of the royal authority is thereby, "for the present, interrupted."

"2. That it is the opinion of this committee, that it is the "right and duty of the lords, spiritual and temporal, and com"mons of Great Britain, now assembled, and lawfully and free"ly representing all the estates of the people of this realm, to "provide the means of supplying the defect of the personal exercise of the royal authority, arising from his majesty's said "indisposition, in such manner, as the exigency of the case. "may appear to require."

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"Resolved, that for this purpose, and for maintaining entire "the constitutional authority of the king, it is necessary, that "the said lords spiritual and temporal and commons of Great "Britain, should determine on the means, whereby the royal "assent may be given in parliament to such bill, as may be

passed by the two houses of parliament, respecting the exer"cise of the powers and authorities of the crown, in the name, "and on the behalf of the king, during the continuance of his "majesty's present indisposition."

These resolutions passed the commons after several vehement debates, by a majority of 64: and were carried in the lords by 99 against 66. On the 29th of December, 1788, the illness of the speaker (Mr. Cornwall, of which he died on the 2d of January, 1789,) prevented his attendance in the commons, and there was no debate for some days. During this interval from parliamentary business, Mr. Pitt, on the 29th of December, 1788, wrote to his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales the following letter, concerning the plan of restrictions intended to be put upon the regency.

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"SIR, "THE proceedings in parliament being now brought "to a point, which will render it necessary to propose to the "House of Commons, the particular measures to be taken for supplying the defect of the personal exercise of the royal authority, during the present interval, and your royal highness "having some time since signified your pleasure, that any com"munication on this subject should be in writing, I take the liberty of respectfully entreating your royal highness's per

Some aukward misrepresentations of what had passed at one of the meetings, between his royal highness and the premier, having gone abroad, his royal highness had from that time declined any personal interview with the minister, and had expressed his royal pleasure, that any future communica tions should be in writing.

"mission, to submit to your consideration the outlines of the แ plan, which his majesty's confidential servants humbly con"ceive (according to the best judgment which they are able to "form) to be proper to be proposed in the present circum

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"It is their humble opinion, that your royal highness should "be empowered to exercise the royal authority in the name and "on the behalf of his majesty, during his majesty's illness, and "to do all acts which might legally be done by his majesty; "with provisions, nevertheless, that the care of his majesty's "royal person, and the management of his majesty's household, " and the direction and appointment of the officers and servants "therein should be in the queen under such regulations, as may be thought necessary. That the power to be exercised by your royal highness should not extend to the granting the "real or personal property of the king (except as far as relates to the renewal of leases), to the granting any office in reversion, or to the granting, for any other term than during his majesty's pleasure, any pension, or any office whatever, except "such as must by law be granted for life, or during good beha"viour; nor to the granting any rank or dignity of the peerage "of this realm to any person, except his majesty's issue, who "shall have attained the age of 21 years.

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"These are the chief points, which have occurred to his ma"jesty's servants. I beg leave to add, that their ideas are "formed on the supposition, that his majesty's illness is only

temporary, and may be of no long duration. It may be diffi"cult to fix before hand, the precise period, for which these pro"visions ought to last; but if unfortunately his majesty's recovery should be protracted to a more distant period, than there is reason at present to imagine, it will be open hereafter to the "wisdom of parliament, to reconsider these provisions when66 ever the circumstances appear to call for it.

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"If your royal highness should be pleased to require any "farther explanation on the subject, and should condescend to "signify your orders, that I should have the honour of attending your royal highness for that purpose, or to intimate any "other mode, in which your royal highness may wish to receive "such explanation, I shall respectfully wait your royal high"ness's commands.

"I have the honour to be,

"With the utmost deference and submission,

“SIR,

"Your royal highness's

"Most dutiful and devoted servant,

Downing-street, Tuesday night,

December 30, 1788.

"W. PITT."

To this letter his royal highness wrote the following answer, which he delivered to the lord chancellor, January 1, 1789.

"The Prince of Wales learns from Mr. Pitt's letter, that the "proceedings in parliament are now in a train, which enables "Mr. Pitt, according to the intimation in his former letter, to "communicate to the prince the outlines of the plan, which his "majesty's confidential servants conceive to be proper to be "proposed in the present circumstances.

"Concerning the steps already taken by Mr. Pitt, the Prince "is silent. Nothing done by the two houses of parliament can "be a proper subject of his animadversion; but when, previ 66 ously to any discussion in parliament, the outlines of a scheme "of government are sent for his consideration, in which it is pro "posed, that he shall be personally and principally concerned, "and by which the royal authority, and the public welfare may "be deeply affected, the Prince would be unjustifiable, were he "to withhold an explicit declaration of his sentiments. His si"lence might be construed into a previous approbation of á plan, the accomplishment of which every motive of duty to "his father and sovereign, as well as of regard for the public "interest, obliges him to consider as injurious to both.

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"In the state of deep distress, in which the Prince and the "whole royal family were involved by the heavy calamity, "which has fallen upon the king, and at a moment when go"vernment deprived of its chief energy and support, seemed peculiarly to need the cordial and united aid of all descrip"tions of good subjects, it was not expected by the Prince, that a plan should be offered to his consideration, by which government was to be rendered difficult, if not impracticable, in "the hands of any person intended to represent the king's authority, much less in the hands of his eldest son, the heir ap"parent of his kingdoms, and the person most bound to the "maintenance of his majesty's just prerogatives and authority, "as well as most interested in the happiness, the prosperity, and "the glory of the people.

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"The Prince forbears to remark on the several parts of the "sketch of the plan laid before him; he apprehends it must "have been formed with sufficient deliberation to preclude the "probability of any argument of his producing an alteration of "sentiment in the projectors of it. But he trusts, with confi"dence, to the wisdom and justice of parliament, when the "whole of this subject, and the circumstances connected with "it, shall come under their deliberation.

"He observes, therefore, only generally on the heads com"municated by Mr. Pitt, and it is with deep regret the Prince "makes the observation, that he sees in the contents of that pa

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per, a project for producing weakness, disorder, and insecu

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"rity in every branch of the administration of affairs. A pro"ject for dividing the royal family from each other, for sepa "rating the court from the state; and therefore, by disjoining government from its natural and accustomed support, a "scheme for disconnecting the authority to command service, "from the power of animating it by reward; and for allotting 66 to the Prince all the invidious duties of government, without "the means of softening them to the public by any one act of "grace, favour or benignity.

"The Prince's feelings on contemplating this plan are also "rendered still more painful to him by observing, that it is not "founded on any general principle, but is calculated to infuse jealousies and suspicions (wholly groundless he trusts) in that quarter, whose confidence it will ever be the first pride of his "life to merit and obtain.

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"With regard to the motive and object of the limitations and "restrictions proposed, the Prince can have but little to observe. "No light or information is offered him by his majesty's mi"nisters on these points. They have informed him what the powers are, which they mean to refuse him, not why they are "withheld.

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"The Prince, however, holding as he does, that it is an un"doubted and fundamental principle of this constitution, that τσ the powers and prerogatives of the crown are vested there, as "a trust for the benefit of the people; and that they are sacred "only, as they are necessary to the preservation of that poise "and balance of the constitution, which experience has proved "to be the true security of the liberty of the subject, must be al"lowed to observe, that the plea of public utility ought to be 66 strong, manifest, and urgent, which calls for the extinction or "suspension of any one of those essential rights in the supreme power or its representative; or which can justify the Prince "in consenting, that in his person an experiment shall be made, "to ascertain with how small a portion of the kingly power "the executive government of this country may be carried on. "The Prince has only to add, that if security for his majesty's repossessing his rightful government, whenever it shall "please Providence, in bounty to the country, to remove the "calamity with which he is afflicted, be any part of the object "of this plan, the Prince has only to be convinced, that any << measure is necessary, or even conducive to that end, to be the "first to urge it, as the preliminary and paramount considera "tion of any settlement, in which he would consent to share.

"If attention to what is presumed might be his majesty's "feelings and wishes on the happy day of his recovery, be the object, it is with the truest sincerity the Prince expresses his "firm conviction, that no event would be more repugnant to

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