confidence in the present government, we are convinced of their integrity, and we believe they will pursue the interest of the kingdom; we therefore lay them under restrictions, which we never imposed on any other government. Then supposing his concurrence in the bill, what construction would his conduct wear? Would it not be saying this, you have expressed great confidence in government, but I who know them better, desire you not to trust them.

Sir, the prerogative of the crown to bestow marks of approbation upon such subjects as have distinguished themselves by their merits, was one of its dearest rights.*

The question, upon the adjournment, was carried by a majority of 103 against 40.

The discontent of the people out of doors, was great: yet the ministry appeared to set it at defiance. Mr. Hartley presented a petition from the inhabitants of Dublin and the liberties thereof paying taxes, to be heard by council against the police bill, which was signed by 7000 and upwards. But the attorney general said, he should be extremely sorry, that there should be 7000 seditious persons existing in the kingdom any where, but on paper. It was he said, admitted by all, that the police bill wanted amendment; and a bill was then before parliament to explain and amend that act. Did the petitioners mean to petition against the bill for amending that act, of which they so much complained.

The most violent attack upon the minister, during this session of parliament, was made on the 29th of February, when Mr. Forbes moved his address to the crown, in order, at least, to leave to posterity, on the face of their journals the grievances, under which the people laboured in the year 1788. He prefaced his motion by a very interesting specch founded on facts, to be collected from the journals of the house, or from authentic documents then lying on the table. He travelled over much of his former arguments against the prodigality of the late administration, which had encreased the pension list by 26,000l. He took that opportunity of giving notice, that he meant next ses

In this debate Mr. Dennis Browne, rather against order, referred to an assertion of the lord lieutenant in conversation, that he had rather put his right hand into the fire, than grant a pension to any person, which every ho nest man should not approve of. Sir Henry Cavendish, though he declared his unqualified devotion to that administration, yet remarked, that doubling the pensions of members might be avoided, “for," said he, “suppose it ap pears, that 4007. a year are annexed to the name of a member of this house, "and that no particular cause could be assigned for the grant, may it not be conjectured, that it was made for his service in that house, and if so, an ad"ditional pension is unnecessry, for he that has 4001. a year for his vote, will "not refuse voting though he were to be refused 400l. a year more." 8 Par. Dcb. p. 355.

sion to offer a bill to that house for the purpose of creating a responsibility in the ministers of Ireland, for the application of the revenue of that kingdom: The only authority, under which the vice treasurer then paid any money, was a king's letter, countersigned by the commissioners of the English treasury. He adverted with marked censure, to the addition of 2,000% to the salary of the secretary in the late administration, and to the large sums expended in the purchase and embellishment of his house in the Phoenix Park, and to the present intent of granting a pension of 2,000l. to that very secretary for life :* which was establishing a most mischievous precedent for such grants to every future secretary. He was sorry to hear the ostensible minister avail himself of the same argument, which his predecessors had successfully used for the last ten years in resisting every attack upon the pension list. He then enlarged upon the pernicious consequences of placing implicit confidence in administration; and supported his thesis by the following his torical illustrations.

From the year 1773 to 1776, confidence in the administration of that day had cost this nation 100,000l. in new taxes, and 440,000l. raised by life annuities. In 1778, confidence in the administration cost 300,000l. in life annuities; a sum granted for the purpose of defence, and which produced on an alarm of invasion, one troop of horse, and half a company of invalids. In 1779 the then secretary, for the purpose of opposing a measure, for relief against the abuses of the pension list, read in this house an extract of a letter from the secretary of state in Eng land, expressive of the determination of the then English ministry, not to increase the pension list; confidence was placed in the administration of the day, and it cost the country 13,000%. in new pensions, granted by the same secretary. In April 1782, on the arrival of the principal of the new administration, confidence, in the first instance, was neither asked nor granted; certain measures were proposed by the commons and the peo. ple, they were granted, and the country was emancipated. In 1785, confidence in the administration of that day, cost Ireland 140,000%. new taxes to equalize the income and expenditure; but the grant produced 180,000% excess of expences. The same confidence cost 20,000l. per annum for a police establishment, which it had been proved at their bar contributed to the violation, instead of the preservation of the peace of the metropolis.

• This was intended to be given for the life of the Duke of Bolton. For the secretary having married a lady, to whom the bulk of the Bolton estate had been left in default of issue male of that Duke, he would cease, upon the accession of her fortune, to stand in need of that pension. He has for some years been in that possession, and was created Baron Bolton in 1797. +8 Par. Deb. p. 357.

The same confidence cost the nation last year 100,000l. charged for buildings and gardens in the Phoenix Park; in fine they might place near two thirds of the national debt to the account of confidence in the administration of the day. He then moved *a very long and special address to his majesty, in which the whole abuse of the pension list was gone into."

Viz. "That an humble address be presented to his majesty to express "their inviolable attachment to his majesty's person and government, and "their zeal and readiness to maintain the establishments of that kingdom, "in an amount adequate to the support of his government, and the dignity "of his crown.

"That having taken into their consideration the income and expenditure "of the nation, they found themselves obliged by their duty to his majesty, "to lay before him certain abuses and misapplications of a considerable portion "of the public revenue.

"That the house, determined to put an end to the ruinous practice of run"ning in debt, and to raise the revenues of that kingdom to an equality with "the establishments, did, in the sessions of 1785, unanimously vote new taxes, "estimated at 140,000. per annum, and had continued these taxes in the present and intervening sessions; that the charges of the establishments, instead of being equal to the revenues, had exceeded considerably the na❝tional income in the year ending Lady-Day, 1786, and that the excess of "the expences on the net revenues in the year ending Lady-Day, 1787, was "180,000/. That the improvident disposition of the public money in the "article of penons, was one among many other causes of that excess.

"That the list of pensions on the 1st of January, 1788, appeared to have "increased to the amount of 96,2891. per annum, exclusive of military pensions, "and charges under the head of incidents on the civil establishment, and "additional salaries to sinecure offices, both of which were substantially pen"sions; a sum greater than the pension list of England, nearly equal to half "of the charges on the civil establishment, even in its present enlarged state, "and exceeding by 70001. in one year, the charge of pensions on that estab "lishment for two years, ending Lady-Day, 1757, when the commons unani"mously voted that charge an improvident disposition of the revenue, an "injury to the crown, and detrimental to the public.

"That the pensions placed on the civil establishment since the 24th day of February, 1784, exclusive of those granted in lieu or exchange of former "pensions, which had ceased, amounted to 17,000l. per annum; that many of "the pensions had been granted to members of that house during the pleasure "of the crown, in violation of the principles of the constitution, and the honour "of the House of Commons.

"That his majesty's servants in Ireland were ignorant of the causes and "considerations, which induced the grants of other pensions within the above "period, and amounting to a considerable sum.

"That a system of bartering pensions lately established, was become an "object of universal complaint: that the pernicious consequences of that "barter, extended even further than an abuse of the royal bounty, and an injury of the character of the parliament and government of that country, "as it involved the practice of changing the names of persons, for whose lives "pensions were formerly granted; of substituting in the place of those, "who were advanced in years, the names of very young persons, and of continuing the pensions for the lives of such young persons; a practice "which must effectually prevent the diminution of the present pension list, "and perpetuate a charge, that was one of the greatest burdens on the estab "'lishinent.

66

"That at the commencement of the administration of the late lord lieutenant, "the sum of 40007. was added to the salary of the chief governor of that king

Mr. Monk Mason and the chancellor of the exchequer were the only two, who spoke in defence of the administration: they

"dom, and 2000l. to that of his principal secretary; that notwithstanding this "encrease of salaries the sum charged for one year, ending Lady-Day, 1787, "as expended on buildings and gardens in the Phoenix Park, was nearly equal "in amount to half the salary of the chief governor, exclusive of the charge "incurred since Lady-Day, 1782, of 43,9361. by purchasing houses in the "Park for the accommodation of the lord lieutenant and his secretary, and by "paying salaries and other expences attending the Park; and to the above "sums were to be added, two annuities or pensions, making together 7501. "granted for lives, and charged on the establishment, for the purpose of com"pleting the purchase of houses in the Park for the chief, and another secretary "to the lord lieutenant.

"That they could not refrain from expressing their apprehensions to his "majesty, that the first effect produced by the liberal grant of his commons, "in support of the dignity of the situation of principal secretary, would be a "charge on the establishment of that kingdom, of a pension to the person who "enjoyed, under the government of the late viceroy, the great and various "emoluments of that office; a measure, which they deprecated as pregnant "with a two-fold evil to that country; an immediate increase of the public “burdens, and an established precedent for similar charges in future.

"That they had reason to apprehend that such pension was to be so enor"mous as to exceed considerably the sum which, by the laws of England, "could be granted to any one person for a like purpose, either at the present " or any future period.

"That the pensions granted during the period, in which he was confidential "secretary, considerably exceeded the amount of those placed on the estab“lishment during the administration of any of his predecessors, for the last "twenty years.

"That after all their efforts to restrain the gross and repeated abuses in the "disposition of pensions had proved ineffectual, and their expectations from "the promises of economy on the part of his majesty's ministers had been "uniformly frustrated, they had one certain resource in his majesty's wisdom "and justice; and they rested assured, that they should obtain relief in an "instance, in which they are peculiarly the objects of bis majesty's protection, as the sole authority, under which the servants of the crown in that "kingdom placed pensions on the establishment, was derived from his majesty's letters, countersigned only by commissioners of the Treasury of England: officers, who from their situation could not be responsible to "that house for their conduct in the application of the revenues of that "country.

"That united with Great Britain, by the ties of common interest as well "as mutual affection, they supplicated his majesty, as the common father "of his people, graciously to permit his faithful and loyal subjects of Ireland "to participate in the benefits of the salutary regulations adopted in Great "Britain for the reduction of public expences; and they firmly relied on his "majesty's paternal goodness, that he would not suffer his faithful subjects in that kingdom, to endure the signal mortification of observing in the conduct "of his majesty's ministers in England, continued exertions to establish a per"manent system of the strictest economy, as far as relates to Great Britain, "but of experiencing in the arrangements of the same ministers respecting "Ireland, an uniform disposition to sanction unbounded profusion. Having thus, with all humble submission, in discharge of what they conceived to "be their indispensable duty, laid before his majesty the state of the abuses "and misapplications of a considerable portion of the public revenues, they "most humbly besought his majesty for redress thereof, that he would be "graciously pleased not to grant a pension exceeding the sum of 300%. per

VOL. III.

complained of the multifarious mass of matter contained in the motion, which it was impossible then to answer: such a farrago had never been offered to any assembly; they insisted upon the meritorious services of many on the pension list, and observed, that a large portion of the grants had been made in consequence of addresses from parliament.* In order to get rid of the question (on which ministers appeared to be the most sore) the question of adjournment was put, and carried by 108 against 40.

The last thing, which particularly arrested the attention of parliament during the session, was Mr. Conolly's humane effort to relieve his poor fellow creatures by the repeal of the Hearth Tax. He had had it in his intention for two years: he had indeed last year been deterred from it, by the misconduct of several of those, who would be chiefly relieved by the repeal. He wished to give full time for considering the subject: and procuring accurate information upon it, and accordingly moved,

First. That the proper officer do lay before this house, on the first day of next session, an account of the houses, in counties at large in this kingdom, paying hearth-money, which are not of a greater value than 30s. per annum, on the full improved rent, and are inhabited by persons, who have not lands, goods or chattels, of the value of 51. in their possession.

66 annum, in addition to the amount of pensions on the civil establishment, on "the 21st of January, 1788, to and for the use of any one person, and that the "whole amount of the pensions granted in any one year should not exceed the "sum of 800/. until the whole pension list should be reduced to 80,000/. nor any pension granted after the said reduction to or for the use of any one person, which should exceed the sum of 12,001. per annum, except to his majesty's royal family, or on an address of either house of parliament. "That the abuses in the pension list had, by long acquiescence, acquired "such a degree of strength as to render the many private virtues and ac"knowledged constitutional principles of our late viceroy, in that instance, "almost inoperative and inefficacious; and they had too much reason to "apprehend, that even the good intentions of their present chief governor "would be frustrated, unless his excellency's exertions to effectuate the sys"tem of economy were aided and supported by his majesty's gracious and "decided interference."

Mr. Conolly most cheerfully and heartily seconded the motion, and the more because his first motion was treated with neglect, which nothing that came from him could merit, and because the law proposed by him, being a part of the British constitution, was denied to that kingdom. It was in vain for that country to seek for redress, as the same gentlemen were always consulted upon the arrival of a new viceroy and his secretary, the same measures recom. mended, and at any rate an indemnity granted for the past. The right honourable secretary had been informed of, and had adopted the old system of governing that country. There were gentlemen of equal knowledge, worth and integrity on that side of the house, and that kingdom could be governed at half its present expence. But as that side of the house had no other way of communicating their sentiments to government, it had gone into a true state of facts for their information, and that of the people. Facts that could be proved at their bar, not to the satisfaction but to the mortification of the people.

8 Parl. Deb. p. 373.