time in which most important and final arrangements had been pending for the commercial intercourse between the sister kingdoms, and when it was notorious that a special treaty of commerce had been long in agitation between Great Britain and France; and the treaty for regulating the commerce between her and the United States of both America and Holland, were still in an incomplete state, it appeared necessary, that Ireland should, particularly as she was now an independent kingdom, know how far her commercial interests were affected by those pending treaties with foreign nations: accordingly, Mr. Corry, on the 8th of February, moved the house, that an humble address should be presented to the lord lieutenant, that he would be pleased to lay before his majesty the humble address of that house, that his majesty would graciously condescend to order to be laid before that house copies of the preliminary and provisional articles of peace and commerce, and also the definitive treaties of peace and commerce with foreign states, at and since the conclusion of the last war. This reasonable motion having been instantly opposed by the Chancellor of the Exchequer (Mr. Foster) and the secretary of state (Mr. Orde), the house from that time became diffident in the sincerity of government to adapt the pending arrangements to the rights, interests, and dignity of that kingdom.*

Previous to the meeting of parliament on the 20th of January, the British cabinet, in concert with commissioners appointed on the part of Ireland, had formed a plan for regulating and finally adjusting the commercial intercourse between the two countries: and on the 7th of February Mr. Orde laid it before the House of Commons, in the form of ten separate resolutions or propositions, which he observed were founded on the words of the unanimous address of that house at the close of the last session recommending a plan for a liberal arrangement of commercial intercourse between Great Britain and Ireland, formed upon the broad basis of reciprocal advantage, as the most effectual means of strengthening the empire at large, and cherishing the common interest and brotherly affection of both kingdoms. The consideration of them was recommended to the house in the king's name, and Mr. Secretary went through them separately with some comment on each: little opposition or even observation

* Although the great object of the remaining part of the session were the arrangement of the commercial intercourse between the two countries, yet some other measures occasionally occurred in parliament. The Chancellor of the Exchequer stated the national debt then to amount to 2,150,301. 11s. 5 1-4d. The usual number of 15,000 military was voted, though strongly opposed: and Mr. Gardiner's motion for 20,000l. for arraying the militia, passed by a majority of 139 against 63; though it were strenuously opposed by the remaining friends of the volunteers.

was made by the house upon them in this stage: Mr. Forbes required time to consider and digest them, and warned the house against precipitancy in adopting them. Mr. Brownlow flew out indignantly at the idea of their becoming a tributary nation: he rejected the gift, and hurled it back with scorn; he never would consent to be a slave, or pay tribute. Such propositions had been formerly made to America, and they had seen the effects. Mr. Flood cautioned the members against going into a debate upon the propositions, as there was then no question before the house. On the 11th and 12th of February the house was in committee upon the resolutions. They were strongly

4 Journ. Lords, p. 550. The following was the form of the original propositions.

"1st. Resolved, That it is highly important to the general interest of the "British empire, that the trade between Great Britain and Ireland be encour"aged and extended as much as possible; and for that purpose, that the "intercourse and commerce be finally settled and regulated on permanent "and equitable principles for the mutual benefit of both countries.

"2d. Resolved, That towards carrying into full effect so desirable a settle"ment, it is fit and proper, that all articles, not the growth or manufacture of "Great Britain or Ireland, should be imported into each kingdom from the "other, reciprocally, under the same regulation, and at the said duties, if subject to duties, to which they are liable when imported directly from the "place of their growth, product or manufacture; and that all duties originally "paid on importation into either country respectively, shall be fully drawn, "back on exportation to the other.

"3d. Resolved, That for the same purpose, it is proper, that no prohibition "should exist in either country, against the importation, use, or sale of any "article, the growth, product, or manufacture of the other; and that the "duty on the importation of every such article, if subject to duty, in either "country, should be precisely the same in the one country as in the other, "except where an addition may be necessary in either country, in consequence "of an internal duty on any such article of its own consumption.

"4th. Resolved, That in all cases where the duties on articles of the growth, "product, or manufacture of either country, are different on the importation "into the other, it would be expedient, that they should be reduced in the "kingdom where they are the highest, to the amount payable in the other, "and that all such articles should be exportable from the kingdom, into which "they shall be imported, as free from duty as the similar commodities or home "manufactures of the same kingdom.

"5th. Resolved, That for the same purpose, it is also proper, that in all "cases where either kingdom shall charge articles of its own consumption, "with an internal duty on the manufacture, or a duty on the material, the "same manufacture, when imported from the other, may be charged with a "further duty on importation, to the same amount as the internal duty on the "manufacture, or to an amount adequate to countervail the duty on the mate"rial, and shall be entitled to such drawbacks or bounties on exportation, as "may leave the same subject to no heavier burden, than the home made ma"nufacture; such farther duty to continue so long only as the internal con"sumption shall be charged with the duty or duties, to balance which it shall "be imposed, or until the manufacture, coming from the other kingdom, shall "be subjected there to an equal burden, not drawn back or compensated on exportation.

"6th. Resolved, That in order to give permanency to the settlement now "intended to be established, it is necessary, that no prohibition, or new or

opposed by some, but not by all of the opposition. Of all the gentlemen, who ultimately opposed them, Mr. Grattan appears to have entertained the most favourable opinion of them in the first instance. "I am anxious," said he, to say a few words, both "on the new resolutions and the plan. The resolutions I think "absolutely indispensable. They have a threefold principle. "The first is, after the expences of the nation are paid, to "contribute to the general expence of the empire. The second "is, that by making the surplus not applicable to the general expence till all expences are paid, it interests both the British "and the Irish ministers in Irish economy. The third is, to "subject that surplus to the control of the Irish parliament. If "the other resolutions had not past, these ought still to be sup"ported. They put an end to debt; they decide the great

“additional duties, should be hereafter imposed in either kingdom, on the "importation of any article of the growth, product, or manufacture of the "other; except such additional duties as may be requisite to balance duties "on internal consumption, pursuant to the foregoing resolution.

"7th. Resolved, That for the same purpose, it is necessary farther, that no "prohibition, or new or additional duties, should be hereafter imposed in "either kingdom, on the exportation of any article of native growth, product, "or manufacture from thence to the other, except such as either kingdom "may deem expedient, from time to time, upon corn, meal, malt, flour, and biscuits; and also except where there now exists any prohibition which is "not reciprocal, or any duty which is not equal in both kingdoms, in every "which case the prohibition may be made reciprocal, or the duties raised so "as to make them equal.

"8th. Resolved, That for the same purpose, it is necessary, that no bounties "whatsoever should be paid, or payable, in either kingdom, on the exportation "of any article to the other, except such as relate to corn, meal, malt, flour, "and biscuits, and such as are in the nature of drawbacks or compensations “for duties paid, and that no duty should be granted in this kingdom on the "exportation of any article imported from the British plantations, or any "manufacture made of such article, unless in cases where a similar bounty "is payable in Britain, on exportation from thence, or where such bounty is "merely in the nature of a drawback or compensation of, or for duties paid "over and above any duties paid thereon in Britain.

"9th. Resolved, That it is expedient, for the general benefit of the British "empire, that the importation of articles from foreign states should be regu "lated from time to time, in each kingdom, on such terms as may afford an "effectual preference to the importation of similar articles of the growth, "product, or manufacture of the other.

10th. Resolved, That it is essential to the commercial interests of this "country to prevent, as much as possible, an accumulation of national debt, "and therefore it is highly expedient, that the annual revenues of this king"dom should be made equal to its annual expences.

"11th. Resolved, That for the better protection of trade, whatever sum the gross hereditary revenue of this kingdom (after deducting all drawbacks, "repayments, or bounties, granted in the nature of drawbacks,) shall pro"duce, over and above the sum of 656,0007. in each year of peace, wherein "the annual revenues shall be equal to the annual expences, and in each year "of war, without regard to such equality, should be appropriated towards the support of the naval force of the empire, in such manner as the parliament "of this kingdom shall direct."

"question of 1753; they establish Irish economy; they make "the British ministry a guarantee to the integrity of this house, " and the economy of Irish administration. The plan is open, "fair, and just, and such as the British minister can justify "to both nations., He gave to England what she had a right "to expect, and perhaps they could not give her more."

few

When all the resolutions had been agreed to, the chancellor of the exchequer moved for an address to his majesty, expressive of their gratitude to his majesty for the gracious recommendation of the plan to the consideration of the house, and of their sanguine hopes of the happy effects thereof. On the same day (12 Feb. 1785) the resolutions and the address were sent to the lords, and unanimously agreed to. On the 22d of the month, the eleven resolutions agreed to by the Houses of Lords and Commons of Ireland were read in a committee of the British House of Commons, when Mr. Pitt opened the business by calling upon the committee to debarass their minds of all bias and prepossession, which so much pains had been taken to create and diffuse throughout every part of the kingdom. In treating that important question, he would beg leave to recal their attention to what had been, and what was the rela tive situation of the two countries. They would recollect that, from the Revolution to a period within the memory of every man, who heard him, indeed until these very years, the system had been that of debarring Ireland from the enjoyment and use of her own resources; to make the kingdom completely subservient to the interests and opulence of this country, without suffering her to share in the bounties of nature, in the industry of her citizens, or making them contribute to the general interests and strength of the empire. This system of cruel and abominable restraint had however been exploded. It was at once harsh and unjust, and it was as impolitic as it was oppressive; for however necessary it might be to the partial benefit of districts in Britain, it promoted not the real prosperity and strength of the empire. That which had been the system, counteracted the kindness of Providence, and suspended the industry and enterprise of man. Ireland was put under such restraint, that she was shut out from every species of commerce. She was restrained from sending the produce of her own soil to foreign markets, and all correspondence with the colonies of Britain was prohibited to her, so that she could not derive their commodities but through the medium of Britain. This was the system, which had prevailed, and this was the state of thraldom, in which that country had been kept ever since the Revolution. Some relaxation of the system, indeed, took place at an early period of the present century. Somewhat more of the restrictive laws were abated in the reign of George II. but it

was not until a time nearer to our own day, and indeed within the last seven years, that the system had been completely reversed.*

It was not to be expected but that when Ireland, by the more enlarged sentiments of the present age, had acquired an independent legislature, she would instantly export her produce and manufactures to all the markets of the world. She did so, and this was not all. England, without any compact or bargain, generously admitted her to a share in her colonies. She gave her liberty to import directly, and to re-export to all the world, except to Britain, the produce of her colonies. Thus much was done some years ago; but to this moment no change had taken place in the intercourse between Great Britain and Ireland themselves. Some trivial points indeed had been changed; but no considerable change had taken place in our manufactures exported to Ireland, or in theirs imported to England. That, therefore, which had been done, was still viewed by the people of Ireland as insufficient: and clamours were excited, and suggestions published in Dublin and elsewhere, of putting duties on our produce and manufactures, under the name of protecting duties.

Having thus far relaxed from the system, which had been maintained since the Revolution; having abandoned the commercial subserviency, in which we had so long persevered, and having so wisely and justly put them into a state, in which they might cultivate and profit from the gifts of nature; having secured to them the advantages of their arts and industry, it was to be observed, that we had abolished one system, and had established another; but we had left the intercourse between the two countries exactly where it was. There were, he said but two possible systems for countries situated in relation to one another like Britain and Ireland. The one, of having the smaller completely subservient, and subordinate to the greater, to make the one, as it were, an instrument of advantage, and to make all her efforts operate in favour, and conduce merely to the interest of the other. This system we had tried in respect to Ireland. The other was, a participation and community of benefits, and a system of equality and fairness, which, without tending to aggrandize the one or depress the other, should seek the aggregate interests of the empire. Such a situation of commercial equality, in which there was to be a community of benefits, demanded also a community of burdens; and it was

*These melancholy truths, so strongly stated by Mr. Pitt, of the degraded and distressed situation of Ireland, under the ancient system of its government, are so many consolatory reasons for the Irish finding in an incorporate union the impossibility of their repetition.