of legislation, had been surrendered, scarcely three weeks had passed, when the English parliament legislated for Ireland, by passing an act prohibiting the exportation of blocks used in callico printing; in this act, Ireland was expressly named, notwithstanding the very recent repeal of the 6th of George I. Had not the Irish a just cause for being alarmed at this breach of faith with them? But was this the only instance of attempting to legislate for Ireland? No: for that kingdom was expressly named in the act which opened the British ports for the importation of sugars, &c. the produce of St. Kitts, and other late British islands in the West-Indies. Surely, an attempt to open the ports of a kingdom, was one of the highest acts of sovereign power; and yet this power the British parliament had assumed, just after they had, in the opinion of the right honourable gentleman, surrendered all legislative authority over Ireland. Was it unnatural then, that jealousies should subsist in that country? He was very willing to allow, that in these cases the word Ireland had slipped in by oversight, and that it had passed the house through that indifference and inattention, which but too strongly prevailed. He did not doubt the sincerity of their intentions, but the matter might naturally excite disturbance in Ireland. And if none of all this had been done, a transaction had taken place at the close of the last session, which, of itself, might well excite jealousies, and keep them alive; for a noble lord in the upper house had read in his place a bill, which he said he would at another period move for leave to bring in, which bill proposed to resume and maintain the right of England to legislate externally for Ireland. Were the people of that country to be the sport and caprice of every man? Were they to have no other tenure, no other security for their rights, than the construction of law, than the mere repeal of a declaratory act? Was it not, therefore, wise and prudent in the ministers to avail themselves of the present circumstance, when one parliament was sitting and the other not, to take such steps as would effectually stifle all jealousy, and draw from the parliament of Ireland, at their next meeting, addresses of affection, of kindness, of generosity, instead of gloomy and resentful remon strances. Colonel Fitzpatrick and Mr. Fox would not object to the Secretary's motion, although they saw no necessity for the bill; it was therefore moved for and carried unanimously. In the discussion of the preliminary articles of peace, was formed the memorable coalition between Lord North and Mr. Fox. Several of the friends of both these gentlemen vehemently reprobated the terms of Lord Shelburne's peace. These gentlemen had, indeed, violently opposed each other on the question of the American war: but that being now set to rest, such of the former opponents as supported, or opposed rather measures than men, found no longer any grounds for opposing each other, and therefore united into one body for the common good of their country. On the 22d of February, the coalesced party brought all their forces to bear upon the ministry; and after a very long and heated debate, they outvoted the minister by 17 upon the following question:*...." That the concessions made "to the adversaries of Great Britain, by the provisional treaty "and preliminary articles, are greater than they were entitled to, "either from the actual situation of their respective possessions, "or from their comparative strength." In consequence of this defeat of the minister, on the 25th of February, 1782, the Secretary of State moved, "That the house, at its rising, should adjourn to Friday next:" it was not unknown to gentlemen, that arrangements were making for a new administration; and it would be but proper that the house should adjourn over a few days, in order to afford time for completing the arrangements. Earl Nugent opposed it; he said, that a bill of the greatest importance relative to Ireland, was to be referred to a committee of the whole house on the morrow; and gentlemen must see the impropriety of putting off a business so materially affecting such a great part of the empire, merely that ministerial arrangements might be made, when the bill had nothing to do with ministers: it was the great work of the people of England. The lord Advocate declared himself a friend to the adjournment, for the very reason, that moved the noble lord to oppose it: the bill to which he alluded was of too great a magnitude to * 9 Parl. Debates, p. 369. The house sat till past three in the morning; the ayes were 207, the nocs 190. In consequence of this censure passed on the peace by the House of Commons, the Earl of Shelburne quitted his office of first commissioner of the treasury; and the chancellor of the exchequer declared publicly in the house, that he only held his place till a successor should be appointed to fill it. A ministerial interregnum ensued, which lasted till the beginning of April; during which time the kingdom remained in a state of great disorder, without any responsible government at home, the finances neglected, the military establishments unreduced, and the negociations with foreign powers, which the critical conjuncture of affairs rendered peculiarly important, entirely at a stand. Various causes were assigned for the extraordinary delay in the appointment of a new administration. Those who wished to shift all blame from the court, aleged, that the chief obstacle arose from the mutual jealousy, which still subsisted between the new allied parties, and the difficulties they found in adjusting their several pretensions. Others have supposed, that the interval was employed in private intrigues with the individuals of different parties, and in an attempt to form an administration independent of the great leading connections. Others again did not hesitate to assert, that on the failure of this attempt, the influence possessed by the lord high chancellor, whose dismission was a point insisted on by the coalition, was the principal arrangement. Such were the public conversations at the time, and so matters were frequently alluded to in the debates in parliament. be agitated during what he might call a ministerial interregnum; it was a bill that ought to have the marked countenance and support of administration. Earl Nugent replied, that there was nothing farther from his wish than that the bill should be carried through parliament by ministerial influence; nothing could do more honour to this nation, or give more satisfaction to Ireland, than that the bill should originate, and be carried through in a conviction in the minds of the people of England, that the bill was founded in justice, policy, and equity: the people of Ireland could have but little reason to deem the bill a security to their constitution, if they should be by any means led to think that it had been carried by the influence of administration, against the wishes of the people: nothing could satisfy the people of Ireland, but the idea, that the people of England with one voice agreed to the passing of this bill, from a conviction that it was fit it should be passed, and without being biassed in their judgment by ministerial influence: it was not upon floating administrations, that stability could be founded; and therefore it was to the people of England, not to ministers, that Ireland appealed; and the people of England represented by that house, could alone give permanency to measures, they never could derive it from the insecure tenure of ministerial influence: ministers had nothing to do with the business; the people were concerned; and their representatives in that house might therefore proceed with the bill without giving themselves any trouble about ministers; he cared not who were, or who were not ministers; he was under no obligation either to those who were in, or to those, who, from report, he understood were likely to be their successors; the bill concerned the nation, and the representatives of the people, who were most intimately concerned in it, ought to proceed in their own business without waiting for ministerial arrangements, for if they did, an idea might go forth, which ought to be crushed, that the bill was to be supported by the influence of administration. On the 2d of April, 1783, it was announced to the British. parliament that a new arrangement was formed; when Mr. The following is a List of the Coalition Administration. The Duke of Portland, First Lord of the Treasury. The above seven persons to form the cabinet. Lord Loughborough, Sir William Henry Ashhurst, and Sir Beaumont Hotham, Lords Commissioners for the custody of the great seal, Pitt moved the order af the day on the American trade bill. Lord Sheffield violently opposed it as one of the most ill-managed and ill-considered bills ever brought before that house. In the course of his speech, he adverted to what he had said some few days before upon the subject of that bill's affecting Ireland.* That kingdom received as a right every advantage she had lately acquired, except the participation of the WestIndia monopoly; for that she was thankful, and in return passed the act, which lays the same duties as Britain on imported sugars, and other West-India articles, and lays prohibitory duties on similar articles from foreign islands. By this bill that monopoly would cease; deprived of the advantage, Ireland would think, that Britain had done away the consideration, which induced her to shut her ports against foreign sugars. The Irish act laying prohibitory duties was biennial, and would expire next Christmas; and it was not to be supposed under these circumstances she would continue it. Her redress would be to take foreign West-India goods, at least she would not think it necessary to charge her own consumption of sugars with higher duties, than were required from America. She would expect to have West-India goods on as good terms as the American The Earl of Surrey, Frederic Montagu, Esq. and Sir Grey Cooper, Lords of the Treasury. Hugh Pigot, Esq. Lord Viscount Dungannon, Hon. John Townshend, Sir John Lindsey, William Jolliffe, Esq. and Whitshed Keene, Esq. Lords of the Admiralty. The Earl of Hertford, Lord Chamberlain. The Earl of Dartmouth, Lord Steward of the Household. Right Honourable Charles Greville, Treasurer of the Household. Lord Viscount Townshend, Master General of the Ordnance. John Courtenay, Esq. Surveyor General of the Ordnance. Henry Strachey, Esq. Store-keeper of the Ordnance. William Adam, Esq. Treasurer of the Ordnance. Honourable Richard Fitzpatrick, Secretary at War. Edmund Burke, Esq. Pay-master of the Forces. Charles Townshend, Esq. Treasurer of the Navy. The Earl of Cholmondely, Captain of the Yeomen of the Guards. John Lee, Esq. Solicitor-general. Lord Foley, Joint Post-Master General. Richard Brindsley Sheridan, Esq. and Richard Burke, Esq. Secretaries to the Treasury. Honourable Mr. St. John, and Honourable Colonel North, under Secretarics of State. The Earl of Sandwich, Ranger and Keeper of St. James's Park and Hyde Park. The Earl of Jersey, Captain of the band of Pensioners. States, now become foreign. West-India planters should consider, whether a direct trade to the American States would recompense them for the loss of the Irish consumption; and parliament should consider what would be the state of smuggling from Ireland into this country, if Ireland should become the depôt for foreign West-India goods, or of our own, under low duties. The Irish judicature bill, which had gone up and been once read in the lords, had been suspended in its progress from the moment the change in ministry had been spoken of; and Lord Thurlow publicly avowed in a conversation upon that bill's standing for the order of the day, that he had been the person, who advised the noble lord, who had moved the first reading of the bill, not to move the second, but to let the bill remain till his majesty's present ministers chose to take it up. His lordship further observed, that the bill then before the house had been concerted with the advice of the present lord lieutenant of Ireland; a noble lord, of whom both in private and in public he had heard sufficient in praise to convince him, that he was a man of great abilities, of great wisdom, and of great integrity. Advice coming from such a man, and it being considered what a great stake that noble lord had in both countries, too much attention could not certainly be paid to the noble lord's suggestions. For these reasons, he hoped, and most anxiously hoped, that the noble lord was not to be recalled, but was to remain where he was, and where he had conducted himself in his high capacity, in a manner that redounded so much to his own honour, at the same time that it was productive of infinite advantage to the interests of both kingdoms. His lordship reasoned upon this for a considerable time, and said, that if unfortunately the noble earl were to leave Ireland, and any body else were to be sent thither, it would become a noble Duke (of Portland) more particularly to inform the house in the fullest manner, how the present bill would suit that wisdom, which the administration of that day meant to pursue, that the house might judge of the propriety, practicability, and policy of the whole, before they darkly and blindly gave their sanction to one part only. Then the Earl of Mansfield put the question, "that the bill be read a second time " on Monday next, and the lords be summoned;" which was ordered accordingly; and on the 14th of April, 1783, Lord Aberdeen made a very long and able speech upon the bill then under the contemplation of the house: He had seen with infinite pleasure, that what Ireland had required of England, had been in all its extent acquiesced in by his majesty's ministers. He had seen an act of parliament no less offensive to the constitution of this country, than subversive of the right of Ireland, repealed and expunged from our Statute Books. But he had also seen, |