for was now come, when royal authority must fall into complete subordination under popular assemblies, and when public liberty must acquire a full ascendant. The commons, therefore, instead of taking notice of the king's complaints against his Scottish subjects, or his application for supplies, entered immediately into the discussions of their grievances, which they classed under three heads; those with regard to the privileges of parliament, to the property of the subject, and to religion. In vain did the king endeavour to bring them to more reasonable dispositions by concessions of the utmost importance; the least compliance with the court was considered by these stubborn patriots as slavish dependence, a regard to the king as servile flattery, a confidence in his promises as a shameful prostitution, and all his majesty's concessions as so many symptoms of his weakness, which ought to encourage the true patriots to carry as far as possible, and to consolidate the conquests of liberty.

Charles, alarmed at the impending storm, and conscious of his want of energy and abilities adequate to such a dangerous crisis, hastily formed and executed the resolution of dissolving the parliament (May 6); a measure however of which he soon after repented. The convocation was still allowed to sit, under the name of a synod, a practice of which, since the reformation, there were but few instances, and which on that account was deemed to be irregular. The first step of that ecclesiastical assembly was to grant to the king a supply of the fifth part of the revenue of the clergy during six years; they then framed many canons, and imposed an oath on the clergy and the graduates in the universities, by which every one swore to maintain the esta blished government of the church by archbishops, bishops, deans, chapters, &c. None of their proceedings being ratified by the consent of parliament,

on whom all authority seemed now to be devolved, they were all supposed unlawful and void, while the oath, with an &c. in the middle of it, afforded an ample subject of ridicule.

The people, whose animosity was continually excited against the convocation could scarcely be restrained from insulting them. Archbishop Laud was besieged during the night in his palace of Lambeth by above five hundred persons; a multitude of men of the same class, amounting to two thousand, entered St. Paul's, where the high commission then sat, tore down the benches, and cried out, “ No bishop, no high-commission." - In short, all the principal circumstances, which in the year 1789 immediately preceded the overthrow of the French monarchy, existed now in England, and were, to accurate observers, infallible presages of an approaching revolution, while the court was little aware of the danger, or had neither the skill nor the power to provide against it.

It was in vain that Charles issued a declaration to convince his subjects of the necessity which had compelled him to dissolve the parliament. The best reasonings are very seldom of any avail with a discontented people disposed to revolt; acts of just and most energetic severity, timely employed against their leaders, are the only efficacious means of bring ing back the deluded multitude to submission and tranquillity; but, unfortunately, the prudence and fortitude absolutely necessary to face and remove such a dangerous crisis can never be expected from the same prince and ministers whose imprudenceand weakness have produced it.

The king; deprived of parliamentary subsidies, was obliged to recur to other extraordinary resources, which still increased the discontents of the people. He borrowed money from his ministers and courtiers, whose attachment to him prompted them to subscribe in a few days a sum of three

hundred thousand pounds. A loan of forty thousand pounds was extorted from the Spanish mer. chants, who had bullion in the tower. Coat and conduct money for the soldiery was levied on the counties. All the pepper was bought from the East India company upon trust, and sold at a great discount for ready money. The king was enabled by these expedients to march his army consisting of nineteen thousand foot and two thousand horse. The earl of Northumberland was appointed general, the earl of Strafford lieutenant-general, and lord Conway general of the horse. A small fleet was thought sufficient to support the expedition. The Scottish army though somewhat superior was sooner ready, and marched to the borders of England. In this hostile attempt, and in the midst of treason, the covenanters, according to the puritanical character of the times, preserved the most gentle and submissive language. On their entering England, they said, that "they had no other view than to obtain access to the king's presence, and lay their humble petition at his royal feet." At Newburn-uponTyne, where they found Conway, who at the head of four thousand five hundred men, seemed resolute to dispute the passage of the river; they first entreated him with great civility, not to stop them in their march to their gracious sovereign, and then attacked this detachment with the greatest bravery, killed many of them, and chased the rest from their ground. Such a panic seized the whole English army, that the forces at Newcastle fled immediately to Durham, and from thence retreated into Yorkshire.

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The Scots took possession of Newcastle, and the king, to prevent their advancing upon him, agreed on their demand to enter into a treaty with them.

In this circumstance the king received an address of the city of London, petitioning for a parliament.

Another petition to the same purpose was also presented to the king by twelve noblemen. But Charles contented himself with summoning a great council of the peers at York. About this time Northumberland's illness devolved the command of the army on Strafford, who was endowed with more vigour of mind than the king or any of his council. He advised Charles to run any risk rather than submit to such unworthy terms as were likely to be imposed upon him. He proposed to attack the Scots; and to shew the possibility of doing it with success he ordered an assault to be made on some of their quarters, and he gained an advantage over them. But when it was known that the officer who commanded the attack was a papist, a violent outcry was raised against the king for employing that hated sect in the murder of his protestant subjects.

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The great council of peers, according to the king's orders, assembled at York (September 24). the first day of their meeting his majesty informs them of his resolution to assemble a parliament on the 3d of November next; and that the queen might be entitled to general gratitude for it, he said that in a letter which she had written to him she had very earnestly recommended that measure. He then asks the advice of the peers on the answer to be made to the petition of the Scottish rebels, and the line of conduct to be pursued towards them; he likewise consults them respecting the means of supporting his army until parliamentary subsidies may be granted. The peers advise the king to enter into a treaty of pacification with the Scots, and sixteen commissioners chosen among the most popular members of the great council, were appointed to meet the Scottish commissioners at Rippon. In the mean time it was resolved that an application should be made to the city of London, in

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the name of all the peers, for a loan of two hundred thousand pounds, for the security of which each of them would engage in their own name.

The King's commissioners arrived at Rippon with full powers of renewing the treaty with the Scots, and of concluding a cessation of hostilities upon as good terms as they could. The last article was settled (October 16), on condition that the king would defray the expenses of the rebellious army at the rate of eight hundred and fifty pounds per day, to be paid weekly during two months, which it was pretended would put an end to the treaty, and the conferences for it were adjourned to London, where the Scots were sure to find the most strenuous support among the opponents of the court, who were much more numerous there than any where else. The assembling of parliament at that same place, and before the conclusion of the treaty, was a fault which at such a critical juncture could not but increase the dangers of the king's situation.

The parliament met (November 3) with a fuller attendance than had been commonly observed, and with a gloomy aspect which presaged no less unusual events. The commons immediately entered upon business, and struck at once a blow that might be regarded as decisive against the king himself. The earl of Strafford, who was considered as chief minister, was become the object of general hatred. The Scots could not pardon the rigour with which he had acted against them, while at the head of the army. The Irish were no less incensed against him for the constant vigilance and activity he had displayed during the eight years he had been their lieutenant. The English detested him as the man whom the king most trusted. Being well aware of these unfavourable dispositions, he did not attend in parliament but in obedience to Charles's order, and on his promises of protection. No