The states-general, though terrified at the prospect of having their frontier exposed to the inroads of so formidable a foe, saw no other resource than that of applying to England; but the levity of Charles's character and his impolitic conduct prevented them from making him any open advances, by which they might have lost the friendship of France without acquiring any new ally.

In the mean time Charles, considering that of all the powers of Europe France was that of which England was the most interested to prevent the aggrandisement, and particularly its acquiring new harbours and extending its possessions on the seacoast opposite to the English shore, he resolved with great prudence to take the first step towards a confederacy. Sir William Temple, his resident at Brussels, a minister of great frankness and sincerity, superior to the little tricks of vulgar politicians, was secretly sent to the Hague, to concert with the states the means of saving the Netherlands, and meeting, in de Wit, a man of the same generous and enlarged sentiments, he immediately opened the negociation, and pressed a speedy conclusion. A treaty was immediately agreed on between these two statesmen with the greatest cordiality. Lewis had offered to relinquish all the queen's rights on condition either of keeping his conquests, or of receiving in lieu of them Franche-Comté, together with Cambray, Aire, and St. Omer. De Wit and Temple founded their treaty upon this proposal. They agreed to offer their mediation to the contending powers, and to oblige France to adhere to this condition, and Spain to accept of it. If Spain refused, they agreed that France should not enforce her claim by arms, but leave it entirely to England and Holland to employ force for bringing the terms to execution, in which case they guaranteed to Spain the remainder of the Low Countries.

The greatest obstacle to the speedy conclusion of this treaty was the necessity of obtaining, according to the constitution of the republic, the consent of all the towns in all the provinces, before concluding any alliance; and besides, that this formality could not be dispatched in less than two months, it was to be dreaded that the influence of France would ob struct the passing of the treaty in some of the smaller cities. To obviate this difficulty, de Wit, at the risk of his head, had the courage, for the public good, to break the laws in so fundamental an article, and by his authority he prevailed with the states-general at once to sign and ratify the league. After sealing, all parties embraced, and Temple cried out, "At Breda as friends, here as brothers."

Room had been left for the accession of Sweden to the treaty, and it being soon after obtained, the triple-league was concluded in five days. Lewis XIV. was extremely displeased at this treaty, though his own offer was the basis of it; and Spain was very little inclined to comply with the terms of it. It was obvious, indeed, that the Dutch, entirely neglecting the honour of the Spanish crown, had been anxious only for their own security; and provided they could remove Lewis to a distance from their frontiers, did not care what progress he made in other parts. The queen regent of Spain resolved accordingly still to keep them in an anxiety, which might for the future be the foundation of an union more intimate than they were willing at present to enter into. She chose therefore to recover Franche Comté and to abandon the towns conquered in Flanders during the last campaign. However, the triple alliance to which the emperor and other powers of Germany were invited to accede, prevented the French armies from making further progress in Flanders, and hastened the treaty of Aix-laChapelle between France and Spain. Franche-Comté

was restored by Lewis XIV. but he kept all the places he had conquered in Flanders. The triple alliance, however, reconciled the English nation with the counsels now embraced by the king, and promised the hearty concurrence of parliament in every measure tending to oppose the aggrandisement of France.

The settlement of Ireland after the restoration experienced more difficulty than that of England or even of Scotland. The numerous loyalists expelled by Cromwell were entitled to some recompence, and the lands which remained undivided in that country were insufficient for that purpose. All parties seemed willing to abate somewhat of their pretensions, but by the interposition of Ormond's authority, the soldiers and adventurers were prevailed on to relinquish a third of their possessions. As they had purchased them at very low prices they had no reason to complain of so moderate a composition; and Ireland began to enjoy a state of some composure, when it was disturbed by a violent act passed by the English parliament which prohibited the importation of Irish cattle into England. Ormond strongly remonstrated that it would reduce Ireland to extreme poverty. Charles acquiesced in his reasons, but the commons would never depart from the act, and though it brought great distress for some time upon the Irish, it compelled them to apply with as much industry as they could to manufactures, and was in the end beneficial to them.

As to Scotland, Charles, from his aversion to serious business, had intrusted the affairs of that country to his ministers, particularly to Middleton, and many extraordinary stretches of authority had been the consequence of it. A letter written by lord Lorne to lord Duffus, containing a caluninious insinuation against the earl of Clarendon, being inter

cepted, was produced before the parliament. Lorne was tried upon an old, tyrannical, absurd law against leasing-making, and condemned to death; but Charles, displeased with such a barbarous sentence, granted him a pardon.

An act was passed against all persons who should move the king for restoring the children of those who were attainted by parliament.

Though the act of indemnity was extended to Scotland, it was voted, that all those who had taken the least part in the late disorders, should be subjected to fines; and a committee of parliament was appointed for imposing them. The most obnoxious compounded secretly. No proofs were produced, no inquiries were made; but as soon as information was given in against any man, he was marked down for a particular fine, and all was transacted in a secret committee. The king wrote to the council, ordering them to supersede the levying of those fines; but, during some time, Middleton found means to elude these orders; and at last the king obliged his ministers to compound for half the sums which had been imposed. But the chief circumstances whence were derived all the subsequent tyranny and disorders, was the execution of the laws for the establishment of episcopacy. The rights of patrons had for some years been abolished; and the power of electing ministers had been vested in the kirk-sessions and lay elders. It was now enacted, that all incumbents who had been admitted upon this title should receive a presentation from the patron, and should be instituted a-new by the bishop, under the penalty of deprivation. The more rigid presbyterians refused obedience, expecting that their number would protect them; but 350 parishes were at once declared vacant. New ministers were sought for, all over the kingdom, and no one was so ignorant or so vicious as to be rejected,

The king, at length disgusted with the violence of Middleton, recalled him, and appointed Rothes in his place.

Affairs remained in a peaceable state, till the severe law which was issued in England against conventicles. The Scottish parliament passed a like act. A kind of high-commission court was appointed by the privy council for its execution, and for the direction of eccle siastical affairs. In the mean time military force was let loose by the council. Those who absented themselves from church were exposed to severe fines, without any proof or legal conviction. The king ordered the suppression of the ecclesiastical commission, but these orders came too late to remedy the evil. The people had already risen in arms, but as their force exceeded not two thousand men, they were easily dispersed; above forty were killed on the spot, and one hundred and thirty-five were taken prisoners, out of whom ten were hanged on one gibbet at Edinburgh, and thirty-five before their own doors in different places. These criminals might all have saved their lives if they would have renounced the covenant. The executions still continued, when the king ordered, that such of the prisoners as should simply promise to obey the laws for the fu ture, should be set at liberty, and that the incorrigible should be sent to the plantations.

Since the restoration England had attained the situation the most favourable both to her tranquil. lity and liberty, The king being in continual want of supply from parliament, seemed willing to ac commodate himself to that dependent situation, and strictly confined his prerogative within the limits of law. Even the severities he had exercised against non-conformists were directed to ingratiate himself with the party which predominated in parliament. Notwithstanding these promising appear. ances, the government had not yet acquired that