and to the scaffold, Cromwell's fanaticism began visibly to abate, though he still entertained it among the troops, as the best means to keep alive their courage and intrepidity for the military expeditions which were to prepare and complete his final usurpation of the sovereign power; fifthly, that from the moment he was invested with the protectorship, he never discovered any further symptom of personal fanaticism, and employed all means in his power to suppress it among the army. From all these concur rent circumstances, it is difficult not to conclude that there was very little or no reality in Cromwell's fanaticism, but a great deal of hypocrisy and dissimulation. If there might be, however, any objection to admit this conclusion to its full extent, it could not be denied at least that Cromwell was the chief leader of the independents, both in parliament and in the army; that they acted only as his instruments in their most atrocious deeds, the enormity of which must necessarily be the exact measure of his guilt; and, therefore, that if the wonderful abilities and capacity he displayed, during his protectorship, have acquired to his name an everlasting celebrity, his crimes have equally attached to it an everlasting execration.

Richard Cromwell, a good-natured young man, of no experience, educated in the country, and accus. tomed to a retired life, possessed only those mild private virtues, which, in his situation, were worse than vices, and could never enable him to maintain that authority which the potent hand of his father had acquired, and managed with so much skill and energy. The council, however, recognized the succession of Richard. Henry, his brother, who governed Ireland with popularity, insured him the obedience of that kingdom; and Monk, who was much attached to the family of Cromwell, proclaimed in Scotland the new protector. Every where the army and the fleet acknowledged his title; and he

received above ninety addresses from the counties and most considerable corporations, congratulating him on his accession. Foreign ministers were no less forward in paying him the usual compliments of condolence, and desired to renew their alliances.

It was necessary to call a new parliament, and, in hopes of obtaining a greater influence in the elections, all the small boroughs were restored to their ancient right, and the counties were allowed no more than their usual numbers of deputies. The house of peers, or rather the other house, as the late protector called it, consisted of the same persons he had appointed.

Ann. 1659.

The session opens on the 27th of January; the commons sign an engagement not to alter the present government; they next proceed to examine the humble petition and advice which, after many violent debates, is confirmed. The authority of the other house is also acknowledged with great difficulty, and it is resolved to treat them with no greater respect than they should return to the commons. It is also declared that such of the ancient peers as had, from the beginning of the war, adhered to the parliament, should preserve their right.

In the mean time the whole republican party in the army enter into cabals against Richard, with Fleetwood his brother-in-law, and Desborow his uncle; but above all, the intrigues of Lambert, now rousing from his retreat, inflame all these dangerous humours, and threaten the nation with some great convulsion. The discontented officers hold their meetings in Fleetwood's apartments, in Wallingford House, and that denomination is given to the whole party. Richard imprudently gives his consent for calling a general council of the officers, to make him proposals, as they pretended, for the good of the

army. They vote a remonstrance, in which they lament that the good old cause for which they had engaged against the late king is entirely neglected; and they propose, as a remedy, that the whole military power should be intrusted to some person in whom they might confide. The city militia express the same resolution of adhering to the good old

cause.

sures.

Some partizans of the protector offer to put an end to these intrigues by the death of Lambert; but Richard indignantly rejects such sanguinary meaThe parliament interferes by a vote that there should be no general council of officers, but with the protector's consent. The officers hasten to Richard, and demand the immediate dissolution of the parliament. Conscious of his inability to repel the haughty demand, he mildly complied with it. The parliament was dissolved, and soon after Richard himself submitted to his own destitution, April 22. His brother Henry, who commanded in Ireland, followed his example, and quietly resigning his command, retired to England. Thus, without any struggle or commotion, the obscure family of the Cromwells fell all at once from an enormous height, and was restored to its former obscurity. Shortly after the king's return, Richard, who thought proper to travel for some years, being at Pesenas, in Languedoc, was introduced, under a borrowed name, to the prince of Conty, who was governor of that province. That prince, talking of English affairs, said, "Oliver, though he was a traitor and a villain, "was a brave fellow, had great parts, great courage, "and was worthy to command; but that poor "pitiful Richard was surely the basest fellow alive. "What is become of that fool? how was it possible " he could be such a sot?" He answered," that he "was betrayed by those whom he most trusted, "and who had been most obliged to his father."

A few minutes after, he took his leave, and the next morning left the town.

The council of officers, conscious that the people could never be induced to pay taxes, nor to submit to the government, if they attempted entirely to keep it in their own hands, they resolved to revive the long parliament, which had been expelled by Cromwell. They did not fail to represent them as the most eminent asserters of the good old cause, who had a special presence of God with them, and were signally blessed in that work. This declaration was followed, within a very few days, with what they called the humble petition and addresses of the officers of the army to the parliament, which contained several advices, or rather positive directions, how they were to govern.

On the appointed day, the members of this parliament who were in town, to the number of about seventy, repaired to the house of commons, and immediately proceeded upon business. The secluded members vainly attempted to resume their seats among them. They appointed Fleetwood lieutenantgeneral, but inserted in his commission, that it should only continue during the pleasure of the house. They chose seven persons who should nominate to such commands as became vacant: they voted at the same time, that all commissions should be received from the speaker, and assigned by him in the name of the house. These precautions, which could not but give great disgust to the general officers, were taken to shew that the re-established parliament were nowise inclined to act a subordinate part towards the army. The more to vindicate their own authority, which they could not think to be firm, whilst there was still the name of a protector in being, and his person residing in Whitehall, they appointed a committee to go to Richard Cromwell, first to enquire into the state of his debts, and then

to ask him whether he acquiesced in the present

government.

Richard's answer was as humble and submissive as the committee could wish for, and the state of his debts amounted to twenty-nine thousand six hundred and forty pounds, the greater part of which he had incurred to defray the expences of his father's funeral. But the parliament peremptorily rejected that article, and allowed him only two thousand pounds; meanwhile he was ordered to remove from Whitehall within six days. So "this poor "creature," says Clarendon, "shortly after his majesty's return, found it necessary to transport him"self into France, more for fear of his creditors than "of the king, who thought it not worth while to "enquire after a man so long forgotten."

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The dominion of this pretended parliament was no less odious to the presbyterians than to the royalists. A secret reconciliation, therefore, took place between these rival parties; they agreed that burying former animosities in oblivion, they should unite all their efforts for the overthrow of the rump par liament, for that was the name it went by, "in "allusion," says Clarendon, "to the fag-end of a "carcase long since expired." The presbyterians, conscious of the unwarrantable excesses into which their passion for liberty had carried them, consented to lay aside their former jealousies and pretensions, and at all hazards to restore the royal family. The nobility, the gentry, and the royalists of all descriptions, cordially reconciled with the presbyterians, and engaged to second with their passionate endeavours the same enterprise.

Mordaunt, who, in the last year of Cromwell's protectorship, had so narrowly escaped from a sentence of death, was so well trusted by men of all conditions, on account of the courage and loyalty of his behaviour, that he had received from well-disposed men, in most parts of the kingdom, full engage