mitted such a fault, nor would he have hesitated, in many favourable occasions that occurred, to dissolve the national assembly, as he had four times dissolved his parliaments; and this measure, secured by the mere appearance of a few troops, would have been no less efficacious for the immediate overthrow of the revolution; thence it may be inferred, that, had he been king of France at that period, the French revolution never would have taken place. On the other hand, if we consider how far Lewis XVI. was from harbouring any jealousy about his prerogative, or any idea of enlarging it by encroachments upon the privileges or liberties of the people, and how readily he consented to the redress. of all grievances on that respect, we might perhaps as fairly conclude from it, that had he been king of England at the time of the revolution, his full and easy compliance to the demands. with which it was introduced, would have not left the shadow of a pretence for it. Happy, however, the nation, whose wisdom, enlightened by that very catastrophe, both on the neces-sity and means of preventing for ever its recurrence, has finally attained that glorious end, by more precise laws, by better ascertaining the sovereign's powers and prerogative, the duties and privileges of the subjects, a settlement which secures an everlasting prosperity and eternal peace to the country, unless frantic demagogy, mistaken for patriotism, or base servility for loyalty, should ever obtain the majority in the parliament.

Some doubts have been entertained about the sincerity of Charles's attachment to the protestant religion; it has even been conjectured that, when in Spain, his reconciliation to the catholic church had been completely settled; and this opinion might be inferred in some measure from a letter he wrote to pope Gregory XV. in answer to that he had received from his holiness, respecting the dispensation he

wanted for his marriage with the Spanish infanta. This letter, very incorrectly written in Latin, has been still more incorrectly translated in English, by the compiler of the Harleian Miscellany, vol. vi. p. 133. The original of it is in the British Museum, (Harleian MSS. No. 6987, Royal Letters, vol. ii.); it concludes with this paragraph:

"Sed sanctitas vestra hoc sibi persuasionem ha"beat, eam nostram esse semper in posterum fu"turam moderationem, ut non solum quam lon

gissime a nobis removebimus, atque ab omni "demum actu temperabimus qui aliquam præ se "speciem ferat nos a Romana catholica religione "abhorrere, sed omnes potius captabimus occasiones quo lene benigneque rerum processu, sinistræ omnes suspiciones, è medio penitus tollantur; ut sicut omnes unam et individuam trinitatem et "unicum christum crucifixum publice profitemur, "ita in unam tantummodo fidem, in ecclesiam "unam unanimiter coalescamus. Quod ad effectum, "demus labores omnes et vigilias, et quodcum

que itidem periculum, quod inde rebus nostris "aut personæ poterit imminere, si facto opus erit, • parve pendemus."

But your holiness may be assured that hence"forth our moderation, upon all occasions, will be "such that we will not only as much as possible de"cline and entirely abstain from every act which "would tend to indicate that we abhor the Roman "catholic religion, but will rather seize every occaદ sion, and gently use every means by which all "prejudicial suspicions may be gradually set at rest, "and completely eradicated; for as we publicly pro❝fess a trinity one and indivisible, and one crucified "Christ; so should we now unanimously concur " in one only faith, in one church; which, that we may effect, we shall treat every labour, every care, and indeed every danger that can possibly

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VOL. III.

"thereby happen to our fortune or our person as "of slight importance, should it be necessary to "incur the risk."

If we consider this paragraph as a candid profession of Charles's religious principles, uninfluenced by any view of inducing the pope not to protract any longer the dispensation for his marriage; we find that he sincerely wished that the catholics and protestants, equally admitting the mysteries of the trinity and redemption, should concur in one faith and in one church. He, however, persevered to the last in the protestant creed, and even died a martyr for it, by his invincible resistance to the abolition of episcopacy.

The same manuscript, at the British Museum, contains also all the letters written by Charles from Spain to his father, and the answers of James, always jointly addressed to his son and to the duke of Buckingham, in these words, "My sweet boys;' calling Charles, "Baby," and the duke, "Steinie." Charles's letters to his father begin by these words, "Dear dad and gossip," they are signed "Your "baby Charles," and subscribed by the duke, "Your majesty's most humble slave and dog, "Steinie."

It appears that the word dog has continued to be an endearing name, at least in the royal epistolary style, for as late as queen Anne's reign, many of her letters to viscount Villiers, the originals of which are at the British Museum, in the same volume, begin by the words, "My kind dog."

COMMONWEALTH.

Ann. 1649.

The king's murder and the overthrow of the monarchy overspread England with confusion and innumerable disorders. Every party, or rather every man, had his plan ready made for a newmodelled republic, which he wanted to impose, even by force, on his fellow citizens. The levellers loudly claimed an equal division of power and property. The sect known under the name of millenarians, or fifth monarchy-men, insisted on the total abolition of all human powers and government for the second coming of Christ, which they pretended to be at hand. The antinomians asserted, that the obligations of morality and natural law were suspended, and that the elect, guided by an internal principle more perfect and divine, were superior to the beggarly elements of justice and humanity. The presbyterians, who had been the contrivers, the promoters, and the leaders of the whole revolution, its last bloody scene only excepted, enraged at the present insignificancy of their situation, on seeing all the powers they had so violently invaded upon the king, wrested out of their hands by the petty faction of the independents, their associates, much inferior to thein in numbers, but whose superior audacity more than over balanced the difference. The nobility and more considerable gentry, degraded from their rank and plundered of their property, expressed the highest indignation against their worthless adversaries. The republican independent faction, to which belonged the sixty members picked out of the house of commons, and now styling themselves the parliament, had violently usurped

the whole government, and were strongly supported by an army of nearly fifty thousand men, of which that assembly had assumed the command. But this support could not be safely relied on, as those fanatic soldiers, accustomed to indulge every chimera in politics, every frenzy in religion, discovered very little inclination to submit to civil subordination, though they admitted some maxims of military obedience, and were always ready to break out into any new disorder which would offer them the prospect of success.

Above these jarring passions and unsettled humours stood Oliver Cromwell, calmly observing and, invisibly ruling them all by his mighty influence, so as to direct each of them in the very path where they could better forward his ambitious designs when ripe for execution. Hating monarchy while a subject, and equality while a citizen, that extraordinary man was equally qualified to gain the confidence and affection of men of the lowest class, by what was mean, vulgar, and even ridiculous in his manners, as to command obedience from the highest by what was great, daring, and enterprising. Familiar to buffoonery with the meanest centinel, he ever kept his authority; transported to a degree of madness with religious extacies, he never forgot the political purposes to which they might serve; and while he seemingly maintained all orders of men under the obedience of parliament, he secretly paved the way, by his artifice and courage, to his own unlimited authority.

The parliament readmits a few of their excluded members, who basely submit to the condition of signing an approbation of whatever had been done. in their absence with regard to the king's trial. The greater part rejecting such a shameful condition, a few writs are issued for some new elec tions. They appoint a council of state, consisting