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would finally succeed, though every thing in that particular bore a worse aspect, especially since the complete victory the army had obtained over the house of commons. But this change had probably another cause of a much greater importance, which deserves the more to be explored as it has been overlooked, or inaccurately examined by historians.

Many writers of that age have asserted that Cromwell really intended to make a private bargain with the king; a measure which carried the most plausible appearance both for his safety and advancement: this accounts for those flattering instances of regard and respect paid at first to his majesty, both by the generals and the officers of the army; but it could not be expected that this dutiful behaviour would continue, even though Cromwell had any grounded suspicion that, far from being disposed to accept his service, a negociation with his enemies was actually entered into by the king. Now it is acknowledged by all historians, that at that very period a treaty for that purpose was secretly negociated by the king himself with the commissioners of Scotland, who promised to raise an army, which would act in concert with all the presbyterians of both kingdoms, and with the royalists. Rapin says, that "Crom"well very bitterly reproached Ashburnham, who "was the king's confident at that time, that not"withstanding the regard the army had for the "king he had secretly treated with the commis"sioners of Scotland to raise that kingdom against "the army; which the more alarmed the king, that "he could not deny the fact." (Rapin, tom. viii. p. 617 and 618.) "To the lord Capel," relates Clarendon, (vol. v. p. 70) "his majesty imparted

all his hopes and all his fears, and what great "overtures the Scots had again made to him; and ❝ that he did really believe that it could not be long

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"before there would be a war between the two nations, in which the Scots promised themselves an universal concurrence from all the presbyte"rians in England; and that, in such a conjuncture, he wished that his own party would put "themselves in arms, without which he could not

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expect great benefit by the success of the other, "and therefore desired Capel to watch such a conદ juncture, and draw his friends together." These circumstances, which cannot be questioned, having taken place immediately before the alteration of Cromwell's behaviour towards the king, were obviously the only, or, at least, the principal causes of it.

As to the important fact of Cromwell's having really intended to make a private bargain with the king, it is asserted by many cotemporary writers, (Salmonet, Ludlow, Hollis, &c. &c.) who being his declared enemies, are the more to be credited (as Mr. Hume observes, vol. vii. p. 524) when they advance any fact which may serve to apologise for his violent and criminal conduct. It is thus related by Maurice, a chaplain to Roger, earl of Orrery :"Lord Orrery, in the time of his greatness with "Cromwell, just after he had so seasonably relieved "him in his great distress at Clonmel, riding out "of Youghall one day with him and Ireton, they "fell into discourse about the king's death. Crom"well thereupon said more than once, that if the

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'king had followed his own judgment, and had "been attended by none but trusty servants, he had "fooled them all; and that once they had a mind "to have closed with him; but, on something that "happened, fell off from that design. Orrery find"ing them in good humour, asked if he might pre"sume to desire to know, why they would once have "closed with his majesty, and why they did not? "Cromwell very freely told him, that he would

satisfy him in both his queries. The reason, said "he, why we would have closed with the king was "this: we found that the Scotch and presbyterians "began to be more powerful than we, and were

likely to agree with him and leave us in the lurch. "For this reason we thought it best to prevent them "by offering first to come in upon reasonable con"ditions. But whilst our thoughts were taken up " with this subject, there came a letter to us from "one of our spies, who was of the king's bedchamber, acquainting us that our final doom was de"creed that very day; that he could not possibly "learn what it was, but we might discover it if we "could but intercept a letter sent from the king to "the queen, wherein he informed her of his reso"lution; that this letter was sewn up in the skirt of

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a saddle, and the bearer of it would come with "the saddle upon his head, about ten of the clock at 66 night, to the Blue Boar, in Holborn, where he was to take a horse for Dover." [Here follows a long account of the contrivance which Cromwell and Ireton successfully employed to intercept the letter.] "We found in it, that his majesty acquainted the

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queen that he was courted by both factions, the "Scotch presbyterians and the army; and that "those which bade the fairest for him, should have " him; but yet he thought he should close with the "Scots sooner than with the other. Upon this we "returned to Windsor, and finding we were not "like to have good terms from the king, we from "that time vowed his destruction." (Carte's Ormond, vol. ii. p. 12.)

This account is the more probable, that it does not only perfectly agree with all the circumstances that followed, but throws upon them a light without which some of them would be incomprehensible. After the last determination taken by Cromwell, according to Maurice's account, the first point he

had to provide for, was to put an immediate stop to all conferences and correspondence between the king and the Scotch commissioners, as well as the presbyterians, to prevent their finally settling the terms of the intended agreement, which could not be effected but by detaining the king in the closest confinement, and debarring him from any communication whatsoever, or by removing his majesty from Hampton Court to another place, and under the custody of a person upon whom it could be entirely depended for keeping the king in the strictest confinement. But neither of these means could be employed without exciting the most violent suspicions and complaints from the Scotch commissioners and the parliament, where the presbyterians had still the prevalent influence. There remained therefore no other way than that of frightening the king to such a degree, as to induce him to fly from Hampton Court, while some contrivance, combined with his escape, would make him fall into the hands of such a person of trust as above mentioned.

Now it happened that, at that very period, intelligence was daily brought to the king of menaces thrown out by the agitators; little billets or anonymous letters secretly conveyed to him, advertised him of wicked designs upon his life; and some advised him to make an escape. The guards were doubled upon him, the promiscuous concourse of people restrained, a more jealous care exerted in attending his person; all under colour of protecting him from danger, but really with a view of making him uneasy in his present situation. These artifices soon produced the intended effect. "Charles," says Clarendon, "did really believe that the malice of his ene"mies was at the height, and that they did design his "murder. He resolved, as it will further appear, to "cross the sea, and one morning (November 11th) "he privately left Hampton Court by a back door of

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"the garden, into which his majesty had a passage out of his chamber. He was attended only by Berkeley, Leg, and Ashburnham. The latter alone "seemed to know what they were to do; the other two

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having received only orders to attend. When they "were free from the apprehension of the guards and "the horse quarters, they rode towards the south west. The king then asked Ashburnham where the ship lay? After they had made some stay in that part next the sea, and Ashburnham had been some "time absent, he returned without any news of the "ship, with which the king seemed troubled.

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Upon this disappointment the king thought "it best to go to Titchfield, a noble seat of the earl, "of Southampton, but now inhabited only by the "old lady, his mother. There he refreshed him"self and consulted with his three servants what he "should next do, since there was no ship ready. "The Isle of Wight was mentioned by Ashburn"ham, as a place where his majesty might securely repose. Colonel Hammond was governor there, “ an officer of the army, and of nearest trust with Cromwell, having by his advice been married to a daughter of John Hambden, whose memory he "always adored; yet, by some fatal mistake," continues Clarendon, this man was thought a person "of honour and generosity enough to trust the "king's person to him. Ashburnham and Berkeley

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were sent to him with orders, first to be sure "that the man would faithfully promise not to de"liver his majesty up though the parliament or army should require him, but to give him his

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liberty to shift for himself, if he was not able to “defend him; and except he would make that promise, they should not let him know where his majesty was, but should return presently to him. "They crossed the water to the Isle of Wight, "found Hammond, and delivered the king's mes

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