excuse and the evils of the fluctuating system are continued and augmented.*

On the whole, when I consider the importance of a flourishing agriculture to the prosperity, and even existence of a state-the dependence of all other branches of industry upon it for their support or extension-its influence on our social happiness, as well as our public strength-the preference which our laws have so often given to less important branches of industry-the many obstructions which naturally or artificially retard its progress-and, I may add, the general character of that class of men who are peculiarly connected with it-when I consider these things, I am disposed to regard our agricultural industry with a sort of superstitious reverence; to think it should not be lightly tampered with, to serve occasional views; and to consider any unnecessary encroachment on it as loosening one of the foundations of our strength, which cannot be even slightly displaced, without a shock to the stability of the whole.

But if such superior estimation of agriculture be a prejudice in feeling, I carry it no such length in practice. I desire for agriculture no preference over other branches 61 of

The following observations of Mr. Young, when speaking of the vine culture in France, are equally just and important: "There are "two reasons why vines are so often found in rich plains; the first "is, the export of wheat being either prohibited or allowed with "such irregularity, that the farmer is never sure of a price; but the "export of wine and brandy has never been stopped for a moment. "The effect of such a contrast in policy must have been considerable, "and I saw its influence in every part of France, by the new vine"yards already planted, or begun to be planted, on corn lands, while "the people were starving for want of bread; of such consequence "in agriculture, is a steady unvarying policy. The fact is the more "striking in France, because the vine culture is very much burdened "in taxation, but always possessing a free trade, it thrives." Trav. in France, Vol. I. p. 388.

of industry. It needs no such assistance; it can benefit by no such assistance. All that it requires is that equal protection which an enlightened legislature will extend to every branch of lawful industry; and to which it cannot surely be the least entitled, when the most valuable of the whole.

But so little am I disposed to carry its pretensions too far, and so little influenced in my present argument by any disregard of our colonial industry, that were the present measure designed to give the same exclusive advantage to our home growers over the colonists, as it gives to the colonists over them, I should equally dislike it. For this reason, were the intention only to give a free admission of sugar to the distillery, I should be far from objecting to it ;-as far as I should be from objecting to a free export of our home produce to the colonies. Such mutual intercourse would not only be advisable as a present expedient, but as a permanent regulation. Let our colonists have constant free access to the market of distillation, and push it as far as they can.* Our home growers will never suffer materially from this in common years; and when prices rise, the natural competition of the sugar will, without violence, gradually displace the grain, and set it free for human consumption. The more deeply, and in the greater variety of lights, we view this great principle of competition, the more shall we be convinced that it adjusts all things best for the public advantage.

It is on this last ground, indeed, that I feel the chief

* The difficulties of equalizing the duties cannot, I should think, be insurmountable. If they should, however, I think matters must be allowed to remain as they are; partly because all changes of this kind are attended with some evil; and partly because, when we are driven to a choice between our home agriculture and our colonies, there can be no doubt which must yield. The relief of the colonists may be managed in some other way.

objection to the proposed measure, and am least disposed to allow the particular reasons alleged as an excuse for it. However minute in extent, or limited in time, its operation may be, it bears too strongly the marks of a departure from the great law of equal and steady protection, and too much resembles the sacrifice of general interests to the spirit of mercantile monopoly. It had better appear (if it must appear) under any form than this. To depart from the principles of a general policy on every trifling occasion, and to substitute for it the petty resource of temporary and shifting expedients, is a system of legislation the least becoming a great and civilized people. I think I have sufficiently shewn the manner in which the present expedient would operate unjustly towards a particular class of the community, and injuriously towards all. But even in cases where this cannot be so clearly discovered, we may rest assured, that every positive interference to promote, retard, or direct the industry of individuals, is at bottom prejudicial, and will be attended in its course with more evil than can be foreseen at the time. This great truth has been established in the inestimable work of Dr. Smith, on grounds so sure, and by an induction so patient and extensive, that since his time I do not think one exception has been shewn to it, which can satisfy a sound and impartial mind. The only exception which he himself has made, (the approval of a fixed rate of interest for money,) is one of the few great errors he has committed.* That we should ever see this principle carried 63

to

* The three great branches of our policy, wherein we have chiefly attempted to regulate by positive institution the provisions of nature, are our system of corn-laws, of poor-laws, and of laws respecting usury. The consequence is, what might have been expected, in all of these systems, inconsistent doctrine, ineffectual expedients, and a constant desire to regulate by compulsive rules, which are silently undone by the operations of nature. We leave the road which is

to its full extent in practice, I am not so sanguine as to imagine. As he has himself observed, the passions, the ignorance, and, what is worse, the narrow interests of men, unite to oppose it. But it is surely not too much to expect that we should keep the height we have gained. and not, in this enlightened age, fall back into the prejudices of barbarous times, and forge new fetters for ourselves, while we feel the weight of those already entailed upon us.

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short, straight, and open before us, and exert our ingenuity to clear and level the circuitous by-path which we have perversely chosen. People wonder, that the regulations daily multiplied in these systems do not render them perfect at last, and cry out for more amendments; but they are not aware, that the only error is, that there should be a compulsive institution on any of them, in our statutebook.

The only new laws that will ever improve any of these branches of internal policy, will be such as abrogate the old, without putting any thing in their place. But this must be cautiously and gradually done. It is the great loss of artificial systems, that their very evils ensure their continuance.

On this subject, I beg leave to refer to the masterly Treatise on Usury, by Mr. Bentham. I wish that gentleman, in some of the late hints which he has given towards the improvement of our domestic policy, had preserved the same temperate and practical spirit which appears in that performance.

FINI S.

INDEX.