aliquid in aliis; raro, sed tamen factum est ut populus deligeret imperatorem. Quis legatos umquam audivit sine senatusconsulto? Ante te nemo: post continuo fecit idem in duobus prodigiis rei publicae Clodius: quo etiam majore es malo mactandus, quod non solum facto tuo, sed etiam exemplo rem publicam vulnerasti, neque tantum ipse es improbus, sed etiam alios docere voluisti.

Ob hasce omnes res sciasne te severissimorum hominum Sabinorum, fortissimorum virorum Marsorum et Pelignorum, tribulium tuorum judicio notatum, nec post Romam conditam praeter te tribulem quemquam tribum Sergiam perdidisse?

Atque illud etiam audire de te cupio, quare, quum ego legem de ambitu tulerim, ex senatusconsulto, tulerim sine vi, tulerim salvis auspiciis, tulerim salva lege Aelia et Fufia, tu eam esse legem non putes? praesertim quum ego legibus tuis, quoquo modo latae sunt, paream. Quum mea lex dilucide vetet, "biennio quo quis petat petiturusve sit gladiatores dare, nisi ex testamento praestituta die,” quae tanta in te sit amentia ut in ipsa petitione gladiatores audeas dare? num quem putes illius tui certissimi gladiatoris similem tribunum pl. posse reperiri, qui se interponat quo minus reus mea lege fias? XVI. Ac si haec omnia contemnis ac despicis, quod ita tibi persuaseris, ut palam dictitas, te dis hominibusque invitis amore in te incredibili quodam C. Caesaris omnia quae velis consecuturum, ecquid audieris, ecquisnam tibi dixerit, C. Caesarem nuper Aquileiae, quum de quibusdam esset mentio facta, dixisse,

is often used in this form, but the indicative also is used, as Halm shows by examples from Cicero, Ad Att. vii. 1: "Age, hoc malum mihi commune est cum omnibus;" Verr. ii. 3, c. 24: "Esto: falsam de illis habuit opinionem.”

duobus prodigiis] The consuls Piso and Gabinius. Vatinius set Clodius the bad example (Pro Sestio, c. 14).-'malo mactandus:' see In Cat. i. 11: "summo supplicio mactari."

Sabinorum] Abrami as usual is full of learning on the strict habits of the Sabini. He refers to Horace, Carm. iii. 6, and other passages. The Marsi and Peligni were a warlike race of mountaineers (Appian, B. C. i. 46). Halm in his last edition writes 'Paelignorum.' Vatinius lost the vote of the tribe Sergia, which contained, as the Scholiast tells us, the Sabini, Marsi and Peligni. (See c. 16, note.)

legem de ambitu] The Lex Tullia de ambitu enacted in Cicero's consulship, B. C. 63. As to the words 'petat petiturusve sit,'

see Pro Sestio, c. 64, and the note.-'in ipsa petitione:' in his canvassing for the praetorship in this very year, but he did not get the praetorship till the next year and by the favour of the consuls Cn. Pompeius and M. Crassus (Manutius). Hermann refers to Macrobius (Sat. ii. 6), who says that Vatinius was pelted by the people at his gladiators' show. It is one of the antient jokes and not bad: “Lapidatus a populo Vatinius cum gladiatorium munus ederet, obtinuerat ut aediles edicerent ne quis in arenam nisi pomum misisse vellet. Forte his rebus Cascellius (jurisconsultus) consultus a quodam an nux pinea pomum esset, respondit: Si in Vatinium missurus es, pomum est."

certissimi gladiatoris] Clodius, whom he calls certissimus,' 'most sure,' a man that he could rely on. Halm compares 'certissimus parricida' at the beginning of this chapter.

16. nuper Aquileiae] delivered in B.c. 56.

This oration was
Nuper' is not a

C. Alfium praeteritum permoleste tulisse, quod in homine summam fidem probitatemque cognosset, graviterque etiam se ferre praetorem aliquem esse factum qui a suis rationibus dissensisset? tum quaesisse quendam, de Vatinio quemadmodum ferret; ipsum respondisse, Vatinium in tribunatu gratis nihil fecisse: qui omnia in pecunia posuisset, honore animo aequo carere debere. Quod si ipse, qui te suae dignitatis augendae caussa, periculo tuo, nullo suo delicto, ferri praecipitem est facile passus, tamen te omni honore indignissimum judicat; si te vicini, si affines, si tribules ita oderunt ut repulsam tuam triumphum suum duxerint; si nemo aspicit quin ingemiscat, nemo mentionem facit quin exsecretur; si vitant, fugiunt, audire de te nolunt, quum viderunt, tamquam auspicium malum detestantur; si cognati respuunt, tribules exsecrantur, vicini metuunt, affines erubescunt, strumae denique ab ore improbo demigrarunt, et aliis jam se locis collocarunt; si es odium publicum populi, senatus, universorum hominum rusticanorum; quid est quam ob rem praeturam potius exoptes quam mortem? praesertim

very precise term. Caesar was at Aquileia in the early part of B.c. 58 (B. G. i. 10). He was in Gallia Citerior at the end of B.C. 58, and at the beginning of B.C. 57 (B. G. ii. 1); and he was in North Italy again at the end of B.C. 57 or in the beginning of B.C. 56. In the winter of 57-56 he went into Illyricum (B. G. iii. 7), and on his road he would pass through Aquileia. It is to the early part of B.C. 56 that Cicero seems to refer. C. Alfium:' he was a trib. pl. who supported Caesar against his colleague Bibulus. He was 'praeteritus,' rejected at the election, when he was a candidate for the praetorship. But he was afterwards elected (Ad Q. Fr. iii. 1; and Pro Sestio, c. 53). The praetorem aliquem' is Cn. Domitius Calvinus, as the Scholiast says. Halm suggests that Q. Ancharius also is alluded to.

nullo suo delicto] And yet Caesar 'suae dignitatis augendae caussa . . . ferri praecipitem est facile passus.' Cicero spares the man whom he feared, and pours out all his abuse on Caesar's tool.

vicini metuunt] The tribules' and ' vicini' are mentioned separately. Hermann supposes the vicini' to be the Sabini, for Vatinius was a Reatinus (Cic. De Nat. Deor. ii. c. 2), and we may assume that his patrimonial property was in that country. If Vatinius belonged to the tribus Sergia, and the Sabini to the Quirina or Velia, the Sabini are properly distinguished as 'vicini'

from Vatinius' tribules' the Marsi and Peligni (c. 15). A man retained the 'tribus' to which his ancestors belonged, even if he had his domicile in another district. The Sabini, his vicini, feared Vatinius, because being a powerful man he could plague them, if any dispute at any time arose between him and his neighbours about the boundaries of their property (Hermann). There might be no disputes about boundaries (de finibus regundis), and yet Vatinius might be a bad neighbour and plague the people in many ways.

strumae... collocarunt] These personal allusions of Cicero are disgraceful to him, and the joke, whatever it means, is frigid and insipid. Schütz thought the passage might be interpolated, because Cicero (c. 2) describes Vatinius as 'inflato collo.' But there is nothing in this remark. odium publicum populi] Populi' seems unnecessary after publicum,' but it is in the MSS. Horace has publica cura' (Carm. ii. 8. 7) :

juvenumque prodis Publica cura."

Cicero ends with telling the man that as he wishes to be popular, the best way to get his wish is to die. Passeratius reminds us of a like point in the Mimi of P. Syrus (v. 23): "Avarus nisi quum moritur nihil recte facit."

quum popularem te velis esse neque ulla in re populo gratius facere possis.

Sed ut aliquando audiamus quam copiose mihi ad rogata respondeas, concludam jam interrogationem meam teque in extremo pauca de ipsa caussa rogabo. XVII. Quaero, quae tanta in te vanitas, tanta levitas fuerit, ut in hoc judicio T. Annium iisdem verbis laudares quibus eum verbis laudare et boni viri et boni cives consuerunt, quum in eundem nuper, ab eadem illa taeterrima furia productus ad populum, cupidissime falsum testimonium dixeris? An erit haec optio et potestas tua, ut, quum Clodianas operas et facinorosorum hominum et perditorum manum videris, Milonem dicas, id quod in contione dixisti, gladiatoribus et bestiariis obsedisse rem publicam; quum autem ad tales viros veneris, non audeas civem singulari virtute, fide, constantia vituperare? Sed quum T. Annium tanto opere laudes et clarissimo viro non nullam laudatione tua labeculam aspergas, in illorum enim numero mavult T. Annius esse qui a te vituperantur,-verum tamen quaero, quum in re publica

17. vanitas] 'Vanitas' sometimes means lying: "sordidi etiam putandi qui mercantur a mercatoribus quod statim vendant. Nihil enim proficiunt nisi admodum mentiantur; nec vero quidquam est turpius vanitate" (Cic. De Off. i. 42; and compare iii. 14).- quibus eum verbis:' a repetition not unworthy of Tullius, says Garatoni, who refers to the Pro Sestio, c. 4. The 'taeterrima furia' is of course P. Clodius. (Pro Sestio, c. 44.)

Cicero says 'cupidissime falsum testimonium dixeris,' where 'cupidissime' expresses the witness's forwardness to do all the damage that he can to a defendant without caring for the truth. Cicero often uses cupidus' in this way. Quintilian (Inst. Or. v. 7) says of the examination of witnesses: "Eorum vero quibus denuntiatur pars testium est quae reum laedere velit, pars quae nolit; idque interim scit accusator, interim nescit. Fingamus in praesentia scire; in utroque enim genere summis artibus interrogantis opus est. Nam si testem habeat cupidum laedendi, cavere debet hoc ipsum, ne cupiditas ejus appareat."

optio et potestas] Halm compares Cicero, Divin. c. 14, Vol. i. : “ quoties ille tibi potestatem optionemque facturus sit ut eligas." The 'tales viros' are the judices on Sestius' trial.

verum tamen quaero] This is Lambinus' emendation. The MSS. and the editions had verum etiam quaero;' but there are some traces of the reading 'verum tamen in the MSS., and it seems to be right.'improborum :' Clodius and Albinovanus, of whom Clodius prosecuted Milo De vi, and Albinovanus prosecuted Sestius on the same charge (Manutius).-'non numquam :' the MSS. are said to have only 'numquam which Halm retains in his first edition, but in his second he has non numquam.' The omission of a negative, when it ought to be in, or its insertion when it ought not to be in, is one of the commonest things in the MSS. Hermann thinks that 'non numquam soles' contains a contradiction. It would be more correct to say that it is an inexact way of speaking. If Cicero had simply said soles,' he would have said more than he meant, and so he qualifies it. Cicero's meaning is that P. Clodius was the only man whom Vatinius acknowledged to be a greater rascal than himself, and he did not always admit this. Vatinius of course, as Cicero says, gloried in his villainy. The 'alter die dicta' is Milo; and the alter tuis consiliis' is P. Sestius, whom Albinovanus prosecuted at the instigation of Vatinius and with the help of Clodius.

administranda T. Annio cum P. Sestio consiliorum omnium societas fuerit, id quod non solum bonorum verum etiam improborum judicio declaratum est-est enim reus uterque ob eandem caussam et eodem crimine; alter die dicta ab eo, quem tu unum improbiorem esse quam te non numquam soles confiteri; alter tuis consiliis, illo tamen adjuvante-quaero qui possis eos quos crimine conjungis testimonio disjungere. Extremum illud est quod mihi abs te responderi velim; quum multa in Albinovanum de praevaricatione diceres, dixerisne nec tibi placuisse nec oportuisse Sestium de vi reum fieri, quavis lege, quovis crimine accusandum potius fuisse? etiam illud dixeris, caussam Milonis fortissimi viri conjunctam cum hoc existimari? quae pro me a Sestio facta sint, bonis esse grata? Non coarguo inconstantiam orationis ac testimonii tui-quas enim hujus actiones probatas bonis esse dicis, in eas plurimis verbis testimonium dixisti; quicum autem hujus caussam periculumque conjungis, eum summis laudibus extulisti:-sed hoc quaero, num P. Sestium, qua lege accusandum omnino fuisse negas, ea lege condemnari putes oportere? aut, si te in testimonio consuli noles, ne quid tibi auctoritatis a me tributum esse videatur, dixerisne in eum testimonium de vi quem negaveris reum omnino de vi fieri debuisse?

de praevaricatione] The offence of 'praevaricatio' consisted in not honestly prosecuting a man, but acting the prosecutor in such way as to insure his acquittal (De Divin. c. 18, Vol. i.). There is nothing inconsistent in Vatinius having charged Albinovanus with 'praevaricatio,' and at the same time saying that Sestius ought not to have been prosecuted; but there was an inconsistency in saying all this, and saying that Sestius ought to have been convicted (ea lege condemnari putes oportere). Between the first question and the conclusion, 'sed hoc quaero,' Cicero interposes a question about Milo. He asks if Vatinius had said that Milo's case was all one with that of Sestius ('cum hoc' is equivalent to 'cum Sestii caussa '), and if he had said that Cicero's defence of Sestius was approved by honest men. Cicero does not stop to show the inconsistency between the man's talk and his evidence, but he does it in a manner by saying, that Vatinius gave his evidence against those measures of Sestius (hujus actiones) which he affirmed to be approved by the good, and here we have the inconsistency between quae pro me a Sestio facta sint' &c., and 'quas hujus actiones . . . dixisti.' In the words 'quicum autem hujus caussam ... extulisti we have the contradiction to etiam illud dixeris ... VOL. IV.

quicum autem hujus caussam] Compare the words 'conjunctam cum hoc.' 'Quicum' is Milo: hujus' is Sestius. Garatoni proposed 'hujus,' and Orelli accepted it. No MSS. authority for 'hujus' is quoted. Madvig objects to hujus.' He says Sestius having once been mentioned (quas hujus actiones), the other pronoun (ejus) is used, referring to the former. This is doubtless the correct use of ' ejus,' but in this passage the repetition of 'hujus' seems necessary; not necessary for the sense, but necessary to give the proper force to what the orator

PRO M. CAELIO

ORATIO.

INTRODUCTION.

M. CAELIUS RUFUS, the son of M. Caelius Rufus a Roman Eques, was born B.C. 82. When he was a youth, his father introduced him to M. Crassus and to M. Cicero, that he might have the opportunity of improving his oratorical talents and getting some knowledge of public affairs by seeing and conversing with those distinguished men. Cicero (Brutus, c. 79) bears testimony to the oratorical talent of his young friend, whose career terminated at an early age (B.C. 48), and long before the time when a man's abilities attain their maturity. Quintilian (x. 1, 115) says, “Caelius had great ability and particularly great urbanity (urbanitas) as a prosecutor, and was worthy of a better disposition and a longer life." In the collection of Cicero's Letters (Ad Fam. lib. viii.) there is a book of letters from Caelius to Cicero, seventeen letters in all, which are very well written. Catullus, who was a friend of Caelius, has addressed two of his short poems to him (58 and 100). We learn enough of Caelius' character from Cicero's admissions in this oration. He was a young man of strong passions, and had lived an irregular life; but Cicero assures the judices that he had amended and would still improve. His amours with Clodia first gave him a bad name and then a quarrel with the woman got him into trouble; but he was well rid of such a woman at the cost of having to defend himself against the charges which she instigated others to make.

Caelius began his career as an orator in B.C. 59 by prosecuting C. Antonius, Cicero's colleague in the consulship. The year of his quaestorship is uncertain, but it was before this oration was delivered, as we may infer from a passage (c. 7), in which Cicero says that Caelius had not been guilty of bribery (ambitus), for at that time he certainly could have held no office except the quaestorship. He next prosecuted