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other sacrifice was made in favour of the the nation, and army, felt a strong interest king of Saxony. But while he stated this in the possession of Saxony, in considerahe would broadly contend that the right tion of the efforts and sacrifices which of conquest, under certain circumstances, they had made in the common cause, and would warrant the incorporation of the the importance of the line of defence whole of one country with another. He which it would have afforded. Nothing, did not wish to say any thing painful to perhaps, but a wish to conciliate the na. the feelings of the sovereign of Saxony, tions of Europe, and their receiving the whom he wished to continue long to reign line of the Elbe, could have induced them over bis Saxon subjects: he had fallen on voluntarily to have relinquished their unfortunate times, but if ever the prin- / views. ciple of conquest had a legitimate appli. With regard to Poland, bis lordship had cation it was in the case of the king of interested himself as much as possible, to Saxony. He had returned to his connec procure a determination that would be tion with France, after he was placed in equally satisfactory to all parties; and circumstances which might have with | whatever might be the particular arrange. drawn him from it, if he bad not thought ments that the separate powers might the other course more for hisinterest. With adopt, they would all be diciated by the respect to the principles of conquest, same spirit of liberality and justice that there was no writer who would deny that bad governed the great states in all arthe country and people of a conquered rangements. The main object of concienemy, with arms in their hands, did not liating the people would not be lost sight fall a sacrifice to the conqueror. Happily of, and they would be relieved from those this principle had been modified in mo. local difficulties and personal disqualificadern warfare by two principles, the one tions under which they formerly laboured. the receiving a reasonable indemnification, Wbatever system of policy might forand the other the reasonable security to | merly exist, the Poles would now be gobe given to prevent the recurrence of fu- verned as Poles; and with regard to lerri. ture attack. It was no argument that torial arrangement, and lo tbe particular other powers had also been in alliance form of government that each possessor with Buonaparté; for they had afterwards would establish, he wished the House to contributed to the salvation of Europe; suspend any opinion until more detailed and the compensation fell properly in an | information was supplied. In erecting aggravated proportion, on the power | them into a separate kingdom, hon. genwhich came lasi in. But the principle tlemen would not forget the many diffi. on which he conceived the measure of in- culties that must be encountered, not corporation unadvisable was, that it would merely in procuring the assent of the have been a mischief to Prussia rather | monarchs who were interested, but in than an advantage; for the general feel severing immense tracts of territory bound ing in Germany at the sacrifice of an to its neighbour during a long course of ancient family, would have revolted | years, uniil at length they had grown, as against Prussia. Then came the procla- | it were, into each other, and were some. mation of prince Repnin on delivering up times incapable of separate existence. the government to the Prussian authori. In calling the attention of Parliament ties, which he really believed originated to those parts of the arrangements that in one of those misconceptions to which | more peculiarly regarded this country, he the best officers were liable. When the should have had less satisfaction, if, during proclamation first came into his hands, he the course of his mission, he had employ(lord C.) lost no time in shewing it to the ed himself in obtaining concessions, the Prussian minister, who said that it was objects of which were merely the separate the first time he had seen it. Count Nes. | aggrandizement and interest of Great selrode, the Russian minister, made a si. Britain ; but in the case of Holland, in milar declaration; and in return to an whose establishment under the present official note which he (lord C.) addressed system, we were individually deeply into prince Hardenberg, thatminister re- terested, the allied powers had felt, as turned an official declaration that the they must feel, that they were all gaining proclamation was wholly unauthorized on an equivalent advantage. If it were imthe part of Prussia. Such were the un. politic for this country, as no one would equivocal declarations of both these courts. deny, that France should in future possess It was true that the Prussian government, the large naval resources supplied by a long line of coast from the Pyrennees to , servation of the general liberties of Euthe Texel, it was not less the interest of rope. In noticing the trealy with Spain, the other states of Europe to prevent the upon which the hon. gentleman had comapplication of such means; and at the mented, the noble lord expressed his con- same time, by erecting Holland into a viction, that on procuring from that counpowerful and independent kingdom, under try in its present situation, an acknowthe House of Orange, by the annexation ledgment like that which had been reof territory formerly belonging to Austria, ferred to, much had been procured ; and an essential service was rendered to all he thought that some reliance was to be the continental powers. It was but a placed upon the assurances given both by tribute due to the sovereign now reigning, that country and by Portugal. He vindito say, that none of the high individuals cated government from ihe imputation had been more successful in gaining the that they had not procured that proper confidence of his subjects, by persevering 1 neutrality between the king of Spain and endeavours for their benefit, by liberality his South Ainerican subjects; and he sein the exercise of his authority, and by a verely censured the hon. member who happy talent of drawing resources equally bad brought forward this subject, for refrom all parts of the dominions so recently I commending that the British nation should placed in his hands. What he had said erect itself into an arbiter between a soveof Holland would apply equally to Han- | reign and his revolted subjects. His lord. over: the Sovereign of Great Britain ship never could prevail upon himself to bad not consulted nerely his own private pay any respect to opinions given to eninterests, and his allies were sensible of courage rebellious subjects, and he thought the enlarged views upon which he had that the individual who delivered them acted. On this point there had always travelled far beyond the duty he owed to been some degree of jealousy in this his own sovereign. He admitted that the country; but he was rather inclined to l scenes transacting in South America were ibink that Hanover bad, generally speak | disgusting and painful; he allowed also ing, suffered more than she had gained that Spain, with respect to commerce, had from the connexion. Its people had re- not conducted herself with the liberality cently proved themselves faithful sup. | we had deserved, but that clouds of preporters of Great Britain ; and he would judice prevented her from seeing how say that there had not been a more effi. nearly her own interests were connected cient, more faithful, and honest body of with those of this country. men in our service than the Hanoverian! The noble lord said, he concurred in Legion; they amounted to not less than several parts of what the hon. member 12,000 men, to which number they had | had said regarding the events that bad always been kept up by voluntary en- recently occurred in France. What course rolment, and it was not too much to say of policy England would pursue in regard that the absence of such a corps might to the convulsion by which France was at have had a most injurious effect on our present agitated, he could not venture to military exertions. The preservation of state, but upon the issue of that contest the importance of Hanover, as a consti- much of the happiness and repose of the tuent state of Germany, should therefore world in future depended. If Buonaparté be dear to us, as well in this point of view, succeeded in re-establishing his authority as from its connexion with our reigning in France, peace must be despaired of; at family. The increase of territory she had least such a peace as we had recently the received tended to consolidate her con. I hope of enjoying. The question now was, nexion with this country, by the extent whether Europe must once more return to of sea coast which it gave her: while that dreadful system which it had so long liable to be intercepted from this country, I pursued; whether Europe was again to her efficiency was less considerable. From become a series of armed nations, and the moment also she was in close contact whether Great Britain among them was to with Holland for an extent of 150 miles; abandon that wholesome state into which this naturally contributed to strengthen she was now settling, to resume her staand protect her. Neither was this a con- 1 tion as a military people, and again to nexion of which our continental allies were struggle for the independence of the at all disposed to feel jealous. They were world? These were questions of no small thoroughly convinced that no interest was magnitude, depending upon events now felt so strongly in this country as the con- in issue, depending upon a new and an

unexpected contest, in which the liberties / Mr. Ponsonby argued, that the noble of mankind were once more assaulted and lord could only escape from the charge by endangered. It was not merely a ques. removing the weight to lord W. Bentinck, tion whether the Bourbon family, which as he had done, in fact, though not perhad already given so many benefits to haps in argument, in the course of his France, and among them, that best of speech. He hoped that the original inall benefits, peace, should continue to reign structions to the British minister in Italy in France, but whether tyranny and des. would be produced upon some future occapotism should again reign over the inde. / sion. He did not understand the very unpendent nations of the continent? Whe- | satisfactory explanation made by the noble: ther as applied to this country, we should lord with regard to Poland. What was enjoy the happy state that we had bought meant by the assertion that the Poles with our blood after a long struggle, or would be governed as Poles ;' Had they whether we should once more revert not been so governed heretofore ? and if to that artificial system which, during so, what new advantage had they ac. that struggle, we were compelled to main | quired ? With respect to Saxony, the noble tain? Upon these points there could exist lord's statement was by no means cononly one feeling, and his lordship trusted vincing, and he hoped that all the docuthai Providence would ordain only one ments would be laid upon the table, and result. After referring again to the efforts that the noble lord would be ready to give made by the King of France to give a free the necessary explanations. It appeared constitution to that country, and the suc. to him, that a very extraordinary and uncess with which the experiment had been parliamentary course had been pursued attended during the sitting of the legis. upon the present occasion, for the noble lature for five or six months, his lordship lord, contrary to all practice, had first concluded by justifying himself for not made his speech, and then was to produce having, as much as might be wished by l the papers. After the Easter recess he some, endeavoured abroad to introduce would probably make some motion upon the free principles of the British constitu- | the subject, but in the mean time, until tion; he had not, like a missionary, gone all the information was afforded, he proabout to preach to the world its excellency tested against being supposed to give any and its fitness, because he by no means opinion upon the subject. ' felt convinced, that in countries yet in a ! Mr. Whitbread, in reply, remarked, that state of comparative ignorance, and brought considering the charge of the noble lord, up under a system so diametrically oppo- that he had brought forward his accusasite, it could be advantageously iniro. tions upon illicit information, it was sinduced. A great deal had been done to gular that the noble lord had not only promote the happiness of nations, and if not ventured to give one of them a contraBuonaparté was not permitted to inter| diction, but that they had all turned out to cept the prospects which were arising, be true and authentic evidences. The never could Europe look forward to noble lord had said that he had not deemed brighter days than those wbich it might it a part of his duty to go about the continow anticipate. The noble lord sat down nent like a missionary, preaching the amidst loud and repeated cheers.

English constitution. He was glad that An hon. member under the gallery, the noble lord had not undertaken the whose name we could not learn, remarked task, for assuredly it would have been upon the mode in which the noble lord most inadequately executed, if his speeches had cast imputations upon lord William there would have been like those in parBentinck, for the purpose of justifying his liament, which, like that just delivered, own conduct.

was a libel upon the excellency of our Lord Castlereagh, in explanation, ob constitution : one of those libels was the served, that he had not argued that lord bad effect of discussions like the present in W. Bentinck in any respect had acted in. I parliament; but Mr. W. said, he was dis.. consistently with his duty; on the con posed to apply a very different epithet to trary, the foundation of what he had said them, and to assert, that even with re. with regard to Genoa was, that the British gard to the Congress the effect had been minister baving no such power, bad not most beneficial. To what a state of dere-established permanently, but only pro | gradation would the noble lord reduce the visionally, the ancient government of the House of Commons, a part of our excelcapital of the Ligurian Republic,

lent constitution, when he would make it

dependent upon an envoy at Vienna, whe- be made from the Prince Regent in the tber it should or should not be submissively | manner which a just sense of the greatness silent. In his view the noble lord's ex- of the subject, and the respect due to that planation was complete and satisfactory | House, required. Arrangements so exin no one point. Regarding that large | tensive and important had never before tract of territory upon the left bank of the taken place in Europe at one time, and Rhine, the noble lord had given no infor- their lordships ought to be made ac. mation; and as to Belgium, Saxony, and quainted with the circumstances without Genoa, the information given was alloge-delay. ther delusive. What did the noble lord The Earl of Liverpool replied, that there mean to say regarding the Poles ? Did he was every inclination on the part of minis. mean to be understood? What was meant ters to advise the Prince Regent to make by the Poles being governed like Poles ? | every communication to the House that unless indeed, as had been long the case might be consistent with the public serwith that unhappy people, they were to vice. He had before stated, that the be continued in a state of bondage to the communication should be made when the will of their temporary masters. As to arrangements were completed, as far as Saxony, the noble lord had said, that the this could be done without injury to the proclamation of prince Repnin was unau- public service. They were not all comthorized; but who could tell whether, on i pleted; but he had no objection now to the remonstrance being made, it had not state, that the arrangements which had been diplomatically disavowed by Prussia, already taken place would be communiwhile the agent was abandoned ? He cated from the Prince Regent soon after would again repeat the question, Why did the recess. In answer to a question from the noble lord go to Vienna, and why did | the marquis of Buckingham, he said, that he come back? Because he was ordered, the papers respecting Genoa would be inwas the answer. Who ordered him? Why, cluded; in answer to a question from earl the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the Grey, he said, that he could not pledge Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, and himself as to the possibility of laying the the Master of the Mint; and yet the noble papers on the table previous to the recess, lord had talked so soundingly of his re- so that they might be considered in the sponsibility, and his confidence in himself, interim; and in answer to a question from which enabled him to decide upon points lord Grenville, he stated, that he should without instructions, which would have de. take care to have the printed copies on layed the mighty machine of Congress. the table as soon as the papers were laid He hoped, as Buonaparié had said, that there, the Congress was now dissolved, and that it would not turn out that what in his BANK Restriction Bill.] The order hands they had called robbery and plunder, of the day for the third reading of the in their holy keeping was vested right and Bank Restriction Bill being read, legal property.

The Earl of Liverpool rose and said, Mr. Wilberforce expressed his satisface that he could anticipate no objection to tion at what had been done respecting the the third reading of this Bill, because, Slave Trade.

however they might have differed forThe Address was then agreed to, merly on the subject, no one would con

tend that the present was the proper HOUSE OF LORDS.

period for resuming cash payments. Cone'

sidering all the circumstances that had Tuesday, March 21.

taken place previous to the termination of Congress At VIENNA.] The Marquis hostilities, ihe consequences of which Wellesley wished to know whether it was were still heavily felt, this must be conthe intention of mipisters to make any sidered as of all others the least favourcommunication, as from the Executive able moment for putting an end to the Government to that House on the subject | restriction. The Bill was made to expire of the arrangements at Vienna. Consi- on the 5th of July, 1816, and this period dering the immense magnitude of the in- / had been fixed upon with two views; terests concerned, and the consequences first, that the Legislature might have the with which they might be attended in subject under consideration in the course regard to this country, it was filling that of the next session; and second, because some authoritative communication should some hopes were entertained that by the (VOL. XXX.)

(X)

time mentioned the Bank might be en. I the circumstances of the case. He could, abled to resume cash payments. These he believed, perfectly well account for hopes were founded on the favourable the alteration in the course of exchange alteration which had taken place in the and the price of gold, in consistency course of exchange, which justified the with the theory which he and others had expectation that unless any very parti- held on the subject; but it was fitting cular circumstances occurred to prevent that the matter should be examined into, it, the exchange with the Continent would and thoroughly investigated ; and he be generally above par. The price of therefore hoped, that early in the next gold had fallen very considerably indeed session, such an inquiry would be proin the course of one year, being in Ja-posed; and this would at all events be nuary, 1814, at 51. 10s.; and in February, proper, though from recent events, his 1815, at 41. 105. or thereabouts. It ought confidence in the reviving state of our to be considered that this country had for affairs, as connected with this subject, was a series of years past made foreign pay- very much shaken. ments to a great amount, and increasing The Earl of Lauderdale had no objectill the last year in 1812, 18 millions ; tion to the passing of the Bill under prein 1813, 23 millions; and in 1814, 30 sent circumstances, provided he could millions. The troops in America could obtain from the noble lords on the other not be brought home before the end of the side, a pledge that an inquiry should be summer, or the beginning of autumn; instituted, early in the next session, relalarge debts and arrears were still due, tive to this important subject, in order and payments making; and considering that full information might be obtained, all these circumstances, the favourable with the view of satisfving the public change which had taken place far ex- mind. It was essential that such an inceeded the most sanguine expectations quiry should be instituted, in order that all even of those who had thought with him the facts bearing upon the question might on the subject. It was, however, highly be accurately and distinctly ascertained. desirable and necessary, that cash pay. As to the fall in the price of gold, alments should be resumed, and things luded to by the noble earl, it did not in restored to their original course, as soon the least affect the theory supported by as it possibly could be done with advan. bimself and his noble friends. By an tage to the Bank and consistently with ordonnance of the Russian government, a the public service. He concluded by forced circulation was given to the Russian moving the third reading of the Bill. paper money, under which four rubles in

Lord Grenville did not mean to object paper were to pass for one ruble in gold, to the third reading of the Bill, but on the This, from the nature of circumstances contrary admitted that cash payments at the time, had a very extensive opera. could not be immediately resumed. The tion, and gold naturally flocked to this declaration of the noble earl, that it was country, where the pressure upon it was necessary for the restoration of proper less. This would account at once for the confidence and security that cash pay. fall in the price of gold bullion. His ments should be as soon as possible re-object was, that the matter should be insumed, gave him a great deal of pleasure;quired into, and the minds of the people but, if the public service required it, the set at rest, not only as to the resumption resumption might well take place before of, payments by the Bank, but also as to it became advantageous to the Bank. It the probability that such cash payments ought to be remembered, that the Com- would be continued. He hoped, therepany had made immense gains by the fore, that the noble earl would next session restriction while it lasted, and they could propose an inquiry into all the circumnow afford to put themselves to a little stances. inconvenience for the public advantage. The Earl of Liverpool, in explanation, He thought, however, it would have been observed, that when he spoke of the better if this Bill had contained some benefit accruing to the Bank, be ideniiprovisions for taking proper steps towards fied it in that view with the country at a resumption of cash payments. Whe- large. He admitted that some sacrifices ther cash payments should or should not were to be fairly and reasonably exbe resumed at the period mentioned, the pected on the part of that body to the poble earl ought, early next session, to general interest. If found necessary, the propose a parliamentary inquiry into all subject might be taken np at a sufficiently

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