"Either of these cases would probably have opened my way to Albany."

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Reasoning thus, Burgoyne remained in the same post for some time longer, fortifying his own camp, and watching the enemy, whose numbers he observed daily to increase. He put his troops on diminished rations, a measure to which they submitted with the utmost cheerfulness; but even thus the General considered, with just alarm, the gradual consumption of his stores. Meanwhile one of his officers writes as follows to a friend :"Our

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present situation is far from being an inactive one, the "armies being so near, that not a night passes but there "is firing and continual attacks upon the advanced picquets Within these few evenings, exclusive of other "alarms, we have been under arms most of the night, as "there has been a great noise, like the howling of dogs upon the right of our encampment; it was imagined "the enemy set it up to deceive us while they were "meditating some attack. The next night the noise was "much greater, when a detachment of Canadians and "Provincials was sent out to reconnoitre; and it proved "to have arisen from large droves of wolves that came "after the dead bodies; they were similar to a pack of "hounds, for one setting up a cry, they all joined; and "when one approached a corpse, their noise was hideous "till they had scratched it up.'

On the day after the date of this letter, namely, on the 7th of October, no intelligence having been received of the expected co-operation, and little time remaining to spare, Burgoyne determined to make a movement to the enemy's left, with about fifteen hundred of his men, his object being to examine the best place for forcing a way through, and meanwhile to cover a forage. The troops

were on their march accordingly when they found themselves anticipated by the enemy, who sallied forth in large numbers to assail them. Thus did Behmus's Heights

* Letter, October 6. 1777. Travels by Lieutenant Anburey, vol. i. pp. 431-433. Of the period between September 19. and October 7. Burgoyne himself declares: "I do not believe either officer or "soldier ever slept, during that interval, without his clothes." (Review of the Evidence, &c., p. 166.)

become the scene of a second conflict. From this, as from the former, General Gates remained entirely aloof; on both days keeping close to his encampment. There also was Arnold-certainly not from inclination, but because a quarrel had arisen several days before between himself and Gates, who, in jealousy it would seem, had deprived him of his command.

For some time, though chafing, Arnold remained within the camp. But as he heard the firing grow louder and louder his impatience became uncontrollable; and, at length. without instructions or permission, he rode off at full gallop to the field of battle. This being told to Gates, he sent an aide-de-camp after him with orders to return. As soon as Arnold saw the other officer behind him, he guessed the purport of the message; he put spurs to his horse and quickened his speed, while the aide-de-camp pursued in vain, keeping up the chase for half an hour without ever being able to approach within speaking distance. Arnold rode about the field in every direction, seeking the hottest parts of the action, and wherever he went issuing his orders; and being the highest officer in rank that appeared upon the ground, his orders were obeyed. It is a curious fact," adds his biographer, "that 66 an officer who really had no command in the army, was "the leader in one of the most spirited and important "battles of the Revolution."* Owing, in no slight degree, to his presence and exertions-charging, as he did more than once, sword in hand- the design of the British was foiled; they retreated hard pressed, but in good order, leaving behind six pieces of artillery, and with one of their most respected chiefs, General Fraser, mortally wounded. He told his friends that he had seen the man who shot him it was a rifleman, posted high upon a tree. In both the actions of Behmus's Heights, many of the American marksmen had been stationed in this manner, and had singled out no small number of the British officers.

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Not satisfied with the success already gained, and impatient of delay, Arnold forthwith gave orders to storm the British lines. Assailed they were accordingly on several sides and with great fury, the enemy rushing

* Sparks's Life of Arnold, p. 118.

forward under a severe fire of grape-shot and small arms. Arnold, still on horseback, led the van boldly, forcing his way into the works; but was shot through the leg, and disabled for many months to come. Another American officer, General Lincoln, was almost equally conspicuous for bravery. At last, however, the assailants in this quarter, held as it was by the native British, were repulsed. But they proved more successful on another point, namely, the entrenchment of the German reserve commanded by Colonel Breyman; here the commander was killed, and the entrenchment carried; and thus at the close of the day the Americans had not only won the victory, but gained an opening on the British right and

rear.

Under these disadvantages, the British during the night quitted their encampment, and took post on some neighbouring heights. There they continued the whole day of the 8th, offering battle to the enemy. But the enemy were intent upon a wiser scheme; they were already marching to turn the British right. When apprised of this design, in the afternoon, Burgoyne saw no remedy besides a retreat to Saratoga. His troops began to move that very night at nine o'clock. They were compelled to leave behind their hospital with their sick and wounded, whom Burgoyne could only commend, by letter, to the humanity of Gates. On the other hand, with the view to another action in the plains, he was determined not to relinquish his field artillery, but found the utmost delay in dragging it along, having lost the greater part of his draught horses, and heavy rains having now begun to fall. There were, likewise, constant difficulties in guarding the boats upon the Hudson, in which all the stores of provision were contained. With these drawbacks, although the distance was not full ten miles, the army did not reach Saratoga until the night of the 9th. "Such," says Burgoyne, was their state of fatigue, that the men, "for the most part, had not strength or inclination to cut "wood and make fires, but rather sought sleep in their "wet clothes, upon the wet ground, under the continuing "rain." Nor was it until after daylight of the 10th

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*Review of the Evidence, &c., p. 174.

that the artillery and the last of the troops could pass fords of the Fishkill.

the

Saratoga, or as in the earlier maps I have seen it spelled Sarahtoga, a village which has given its name to the disaster that ensued, derived that name from two Indian words signifying "the side of the hill.”* On reaching this place, Burgoyne found himself nearly on all sides surrounded. One division of the enemy had pushed beyond him to occupy the fords and other strong positions leading to and beyond Fort Edward. Another division had crossed the Hudson, and, from the opposite bank, commenced a cannonade. Under this cannonade it was found impossible to maintain the British boats upon the river, or to secure the provisions unless by landing them on the western shore. Other hostile bayonets were bristling on the hills round Saratoga. No tidings of Clinton had yet arrived; and the stores of provision, even though on short allowance, were every hour dwindling. The horror of these dismal prospects now rose full upon Burgoyne, and every possible chance of extrication was conned over in his anxious and accomplished mind. That the men should cast aside all their impediments, leave behind all their artillery, and commence by night their march to Fort Edward, with only a few days' food upon their backs, was a scheme fraught with hazards; yet seriously considered, and, at one moment, on consultation with his Generals, adopted Indeed, a party under Colonel Sutherland had been already despatched in that direction to repair the bridges and the roads, but had been recalled to Saratoga, in the expectation of another battle. Nor was the opposite chance forgottenthat the enemy, in their eagerness to inclose Burgoyne, might perhaps so far reduce their force on the side of Behmus's Heights as to enable him to resume his first design, and make a push for Albany. Of this, however, no reasonable hope appeared.

With the army, at this trying time, were some few ladies-amongst others, the wife of the German General, Riedesel, and her three young children. Many years afterwards, she published an interesting narrative of all

* Buckingham's America, vol. ii. p. 428

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that she had suffered and seen. Together with the disabled officers, she had sought shelter in a house near the Hudson; but the Americans, believing that the English Generals had there fixed their post, directed a cannonade against that house from the opposite side of the stream. 'Alas," says Madame de Riedesel, "there were none but "wounded and women!" Yet, as the same lady has occasion to relate, the hostile troops were by no means wanting in kindness and compassion to the gentler sex. The sufferers had crept, for safety, to the vaulted cellars of the cannonaded house. Here one of their chief miseries was, want of water; since any man who ventured to the stream to fetch them any, became a mark for the unerring rifles of the enemy. At length a poor soldier's wife was found to undertake the dangerous service; courageously and repeatedly did she walk down with her pitcher to the bank; and, in consideration of her sex, was always spared by the Americans.

To another courageous woman, of far higher rank, an equal courtesy was shown. Major Acland, an English officer, had been, in the last action, wounded and taken. His young wife, Lady Harriet, a daughter of the Earl of Ilchester, had accompanied him throughout the campaign. Hearing of his wound, and fearing for his life, and careless of herself, though in want of food, and drenched with rains for twelve hours together, she resolved, at all hazards, and uncertain into whose hands she might first fall, to deliver herself up to the enemy, and entreat permission to share in his captivity. Thus writes General. Burgoyne; "The assistance I was enabled to give, was "small indeed; I had not even a cup of wine to offer "her; but I was told she had found from some kind and "fortunate hand, a little rum and dirty water. All I "could furnish to her was, an open boat, and a few lines "written upon dirty wet paper to General Gates, recom"mending her to his protection." In the open boat with Lady Harriet, and with a flag of truce, embarked as her escort, the chaplain, Mr. Brudenell, and two or three persons more. It was dark ere the rowers could reach the enemy's outposts on the Hudson. The American sentinel, threatening to fire, refused to let them either pass or come to shore. All that night, which proved