vanity, appear magnified greatly beyond the truth, they have, on many occasions, indulged in hopes too vast to be realized, and consequently productive of discontent and disappointment."

In giving a summary result of his own calm and impartial conclusions, Wakefield thus offers his honest conviction of the union as a measure, when Catholic emancipation could be regarded only as one of its prospective advantages:

"My opinion on the momentous legislative act which united Ireland to Great Britain, and formed the two countries into one empire-an act which I yet hope to see confirmed, and still farther strengthened by the admission of the Roman Catholics to a full participation of the benefits of the British constitution, was not founded on interested motives, nor formed from a partial view of the subject, but adopted after a mature and most attentive consideration of all its bearings and probable effects. These sentiments are now so firmly established, that nothing but strong facts, facts sufficient to outweigh those from which I have drawn my conclusions, can make me in the least swerve from my present opinions. I am aware that it is popular in Ireland to decry the Act of Union.* It is common also to ascribe to Great Britain every evil under which that country is now suffering; but being no great man's parasite, and having no desire to hunt after that most unstable of all earthly possessions, popular favour, I must dissent from such doctrines, and shall leave to those writers who do not hesitate to gratify their spleen at the expense of public tranquillity, to destroy, if they be so disposed, the rising germs of the future happiness of her inhabitants. Connection with Great Britain-union-inseparable union -the being one and the same empire-one and the same people-to have the same interests-throwing the broad parental shield of the British monarchy over the farthermost parts of Ireland, and over the meanest of her inhabitants, can alone promote the general and individual welfare of both countries. Great Britain, by her situation, seems destined to be the friend and protectress of Ireland; the latter, notwithstanding the bravery and martial spirit of her inhabitants, is too weak to defend herself against the attacks of a foreign enemy; but uniting her efforts with those of Great Britain, fighting under the same banners, and directing her views to the same objects, the general good, she may bid a proud defiance to the rest of the world."

Whether the full advantages self-apparent from a union of the kingdoms have or have not been consummated, is not a consideration relevant to this work. Besides the removal of a political anomaly exhibited in the existence of two co-ordinate legislations, we fully believe Mr. Pitt's assertion, that "until a union took place between the two

*"Some persons in that country may, perhaps, have adopted the idea of Dr. Johnson; but that celebrated man, notwithstanding his great genius and extraordinary powers of mind, had his prejudices, and this seems to have been one of them. Conversing with an Irish gentleman on the subject of a union, Johnson said, 'Do not make a union with us, Sir; we should unite with you only to rob you. We should have robbed the Scotch, if they had had any thing of which we could have robbed them.'”—Boswell's Life of Johnson.

CHAPTER XXX VII.

STATE OF IRELAND IN 1801.

THE insurrectionary movements of '98, followed by the political tempest of conflicting opinion which accompanied the union of the kingdoms during its progress, had for several years distracted the Irish people, and totally inhibited any advances in national prosperity. Men now began with a renewed confidence to return to their former pursuits-the north was perfectly tranquillized-the manufacturer and agriculturist resumed the shuttle and the spade-and as events subsequently proved, the Presbyterians, with a very few exceptions, had thoroughly detected the fallacy of ideal liberty, and become sincere converts to the solid advantages which a well-ordered constitution secures to the community.

In other parts of the kingdom, though the flame was openly extinguished, the embers smouldered-desperate individuals still held outand life and property were rendered insecure. The spread of French principles had been progressive and extensive-and although the many had repudiated the foul doctrines which denounced a king and denied a god, still the pest was not eradicated, and for years afterwards the plague-spot was discovered occasionally.

The opinions delivered by the Irish members of the British legislature will best shew the state of Ireland at this period, and the demand made for arming the executive with the additional power conferred by martial law, would prove in itself that the country was still feverish, and that a portion of the people were discontented, if not disloyal. On the 12th of March, 1801, Lord Castlereagh thus urged the necessity of stringent measures:—

"The task he had to perform was extremely painful, but it was a duty of which he was determined to acquit himself. He was ready to acknowledge that the introduction of martial law in Ireland was almost unparalleled in its constitutional history; but yet he must remind the house that the spirit and principles of modern Jacobinism had compelled the legislature to recognize a system of judicature unknown, except when the operation of all laws was suspended from the open existence of rebellion in the field. The necessity of resorting to so strong a measure was lamentable, but, if it did exist, he could not betray his country and the constitution. He owned the difficulties of carrying such a measure in an assembly where so few had a local knowledge of the circumstances that justified it."

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*

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"It was his intention to propose it only for three months. He was so confident of its necessity, that he called upon parliament to pass the bill without further inquiry. He admitted what the honourable gentleman had advanced, that, if rebellion existed, the lord-lieutenant might proclaim martial law. But was it more constitutional to come to parliament for an act of indemnity, than to call for its previous authority?

"The rebellion broke out in May, 1798, and martial law continued in force till March, 1799. By the king's authority martial law was then exercised, and the Irish government relied on an act of indemnity in their favour, if they transgressed not the bounds which the necessity of the case prescribed. They were compelled to withhold a great portion of the municipal law, while property could not be protected without martial law. This occasioned a conflict; for no officer could execute his duty, if subject to be brought to trial continually. Many indictments were preferred against officers for attempting to execute the lord-lieutenant's orders; and the rebellion at one period rendered it impossible for the judges to sit unmolested. When it abated, the courts were again opened,-the first, in the metropolis, the King's Bench. In some places the circuit was held, and the assizes conducted under a military force. But civil justice could not be exercised without protection; therefore, one or the other must be sacrificed. After rebellion had been crushed in the field, Jacobinism still contrived to preserve it alive in the country. This malignant spirit produced a new case, obliging the courts of justice to be shut, and the country to seek its protection from martial law. If this spirit still existed, the necessity of martial law was evident,—that it did now exist, he thus pro

ceeded to shew.

it.

"He said, that in activity, malignancy, and perseverance, the Irish rebels exceeded all who had ever attempted the destruction of their government. During the last three months, his excellency had found it necessary to try sixty-three persons in courts-martial, and of these, thirty-four were condemned and executed. Most of them were found guilty of overt acts of rebellion, and all of having helped to promote In the whole year, two hundred and seven criminals had been tried. The character of the noble person above mentioned was too well known to be suspected of unnecessary rigour. He would not have suspended common law without occasion, but would have allowed the usual trial by jury. The bill ought not to be considered as an establishment of martial law, but for allowing the courts of law to remain open. The crown had power to proclaim martial law when necessary for the good of the empire; but then the process of the courts was at an end, and the accused must, in all cases, be tried by a military tribunal. By the continuance of this act, Jacobinism would be counteracted, and the people retain most of their privileges. It was notorious, that several districts still cherished the spirit that had occasioned such calamities, and prompted the inhabitants to attack the persons and property of their neighbours. But the second object was, to obstruct the administration of justice. For this purpose they used

The

the most terrible means, and rendered themselves so formidable that neither juries nor witnesses would attend. Unless the bill were renewed, and government could bring criminals summarily to trial, the loyal and industrious must again suffer without hope of redress. rebels themselves had courts-martial, to try those who were disaffected to their cause. How were they to be successfully combated, if permitted to condemn and instantly execute their captives, while they themselves could be punished only by the slow process of common law? He said, that by vigour and energy the evil had been greatly repressed-and that, three counties excepted, the kingdom was in a state of tranquillity."

In the upper house, Lord Clare warmly supported the measure, and his picture of the state of Ireland was unfortunately a faithful sketch. Lord Fitzgibbon (Earl of Clare) said," That the papers on the table would prove the necessity for a continuance of the bill; and the clerk was desired to read extracts from the reports of the Irish parliament in 1798. He was not surprised that the bill should be received with disgust by a British House of Lords; and he felt degraded in being forced to confess that Ireland could not be saved without its being passed: the civil government of the country could not support its authority without military force. Democracy had taken deep root there, and it would probably be long ere it were eradicated. The subtlety of the seditious would be sufficiently proved by saying, that many of those who went up with addresses to a noble earl, before he left the administration of Ireland, were known to have been engaged in a conspiracy against the government. Martial law was indispensable, and could alone secure the property, religion, and lives of the loyal inhabitants. A noble lord had asked, whether the judges had not gone the circuits regularly? He could answer, that they had always been obliged to have a strong escort for their protection; and two of the judges going to hold the assizes had been attacked by the rebels not many miles from the capital. They were not murdered, it was true, but escaped merely by the rebels having neglected their usual precaution of bribing the servants; for, the post-boys turning about quickly, the speed of their horses saved them. The principal object of the conspirators was to disturb the administration of justice. give every criminal a list of jurors and witnesses before the day of trial was impracticable; for nine-tenths of them would be murdered before the day appointed came. He said that treason and rebellion had been so completely organized in Ireland, that the mere attempt to administer justice without martial law was defeated, and perverted to the worst purposes. The committee of superintendence in the several districts had spies present at every trial in each circuit, who marked out such jurors as ventured to give a conscientious verdict, and every witness who dared to tell the real truth. From these communications a list of proscriptions was made out, and transmitted, with orders to the several provincial committees to send out a certain number of determined zealots to meet their agents. This was regularly complied with, and the list of assassination delivered to the murderers, who not only were

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