and applied to the commander-in-chief; Major M'Donnell, who was in a puny state of health, carnestly applied to the commander-in-chief for leave to decline that service, apprehensive of the danger of the climate, and wishing to remain in England. But Major Sinclair was refused permission to go, and Major M'Donnell was re fused permission to remain, and was ordered to the West Indies; and both gentlemen fell victims to the arrangement, for they soon died. But they offered no bribe to the military patroness, whose influence could have prevailed in their cases.

The next was the case of Major Shaw, appointed deputy barrack master general at the Cape of Good Hope. It appeared that the commander-in-chief had no favourable opinion of Major Shaw; but Mrs. Clarke interposes; he consents to pay her 1000. Of this money he immediately paid 2007.; shortly after he paid her 3001.; when she, finding he was backward in the payment, sent to demand the remainder; but seeing no chance of receiving it, she complained to the commander-in-chief, who immediately put Major Shaw upon the half-pay list. The honourable gentleman said, he had a letter from Major Shaw himself, stating the fact, and he never knew but one other instance of an officer being thus put on the half-pay list. Here then was further proof, to shew that Mrs. Clarke's influence extended to the army in general, and that it operated to put any officer on the half-pay list, and that the commander-in-chief was a direct party in her authority.

The next case to which he should advert of the lady's influence, was that of Colonel French, of the horse-guards. This gentleman was appointed to a commission for raising new levies in 1804, and the business was set on foot by Mrs. Clarke. He was introduced to her by Capt. Huxley Sandon, and she was to have a certain sum out of the bounty to every recruit raised, and a certain portion of patronage in the nomination of the officers. She was waited on by Colonel French, of the first troop of horseguards, and as the levy went on, she received various sums of money by Colonel French, Capt. Huxley Sandon, Mr. Corri, and Mr. Cokayne, an eminent solicitor, in London, in the following rates, viz. for a majority, 9007.; captaincy, 7007.; lieutenancy, 4001.; and ensigncy, 2001. whereas the regulated prices were respectively 2600,

15001., 5501., and 4007. ; and consequently all this money was lost to the half-pay compassionate fund, to put money into Mrs. Clarke's pocket.

The next instance was one in which the commander-inchief himself was a direct partaker in the advantages of this traffic, by a loan to be furnished through Colonel French, the writings for which were drawn by a Mr. Grant, an eminent solicitor of Barnard's-Inn, for the purpose of raising 30001.; but he did not receive it, because there were 30007. due from government to Colonel French. Hence then it was obvious that Mrs. Clarke exercised an influence in raising the military force of the country, in disposing of commands in that force, and in converting the purchase of commissions to her own private advantage. Having now said enough of Mrs. Clarke, he would next proceed to the case of Captain May, of the royal African corps. He meant no reflection upon that officer. He was appointed to an ensigncy on November 28, 1806; some time after, he was made lieutenant. He had still the good fortune to remain a clerk at the desk of Mr. Greenwood, army agent. On the 15th of April, 1808, he was employed by the Duke of York, and before the end of the year he was raised to a captain in the royal African corps, the third year after his first appointment, and without seeing service; thus promoted over the heads of all the subalterns of the army, without any regard to their long services and wounds in their country's cause, though many of them had lodged this money to pay the differences on promotion. Whether the honour and interests of the British army, and the feelings of the officers, were, properly to be subjected to such a system, the house of commons would judge and decide. He hoped, after what he had stated, the house of commons would not refuse to grant him a committee to inquire into those transactions; and if they agreed, he would pledge himself to bring as evidence before them Mrs. Clarke herself, and the whole of the other persons whom he had named."

There was another circumstance in this case which he could not pass unnoticed: it was the existence of a public office in the city of London, where commissions in the army were offered to purchasers at reduced prices, and where the clerks openly and, unequivocally stated, in his own presence, and in his hearing, that they were employed by the present favourite mistress of the commander-in-chief,

Mrs. Carey; and that, in addition to commissions in the army, they were employed to dispose of places in every department of church and state; and those agents did not hesitate to state, in words and writing, that they were employed under the auspices of two of his majesty's prineipal ministers. Having now gone through the whole of his statement, the honourable member concluded by expressing his hope that the house would grant him a com mittee to inquire into the conduct of the Duke of York, in respect to the disposal of military commissions; and he moved accordingly.

Sir Francis Burdett seconded the motion.

The Secretary at War said, he did not rise to give any opposition to the motion, at least to any fair and reasonable extent to which the proposition might be thought necessary. The honourable gentleman had, in a very candid manner, brought forward facts of the most important kind, and in their consequences most serious and weighty. He conceived the house would readily ac quiesce in going into an inquiry of the facts which had then been brought forward, or any other facts which the honourable gentleman might still intend to produce hereafter; but as to a general inquiry into the conduct of the commander-in-chief, he would not agree. He was cer tain that illustrious personage was ready to go into a full investigation of these charges. As to the half-pay list, he had already stated on former occasions, that it had been most extensively and materially benefited by the commander-in-chief, who had voluntarily resigned a very extensive patronage, in order that the sale of the commissions might be brought in aid of the compassionate fund, by which that fund had been greatly increased. With respect to the barrack department, he thought it proper just to state that it was not within the patronage of his royal highness the Duke of York. He wished also to observe, that the manner in which the army had been fitted out, which was lately sent to Portugal, was a very striking mark of the superior military talents of the Duke of York, and a strong proof of his great attention to and regard for that army, and of course militated against the truth of the charges, which, if founded in truth, must strike at its discipline, and, through that, at its very existence. His right honourable friend near him (Sir A, Wellesley), who had so lately commanded that army, would readily

tell the state in which he found it; and great as his right honourable friend's talents were for inspiring his soldiers with courage, spirit, and activity, he could not speedily have instilled into them the noble energies of which they had given such unequivocal and brilliant proofs, if they had previously been under such inattention to and neglect of discipline as these charges held out. The spirit of promotion which had been infused into the army, by the commander-in-chief, and which throve so well under his auspices and nourishment, together with the extreme re gularity, order, and arrangement which he had intro duced into every military department, had done every thing for the army, and evinced that he had ever been actuated by the greatest zeal and anxiety for its honour and its interests, whereas the charges, if true, would make him one of its most inveterate enemies. He thought it necessary to make these few observations as to what he knew of the conduct of the illustrious personage in question; and, having done so, would not trespass further on the time of the house than to say, he was very happy the honour. able gentleman had brought them forward, as he was sure the commander-in-chief wished nothing more earnestly than that they might be fairly and fully investigated.

Sir A. Wellesley said, he rejoiced sincerely that the honourable gentleman had brought forward certain facts on which a committee might be able to judge. His right honourable friend had said that he was able to speak as to his knowledge of the army he had lately commanded, with respect to its discipline, and also as to the character and conduct of the commander-in-chief. He could truly answer that it had fallen to his lot to know particularly how promotions were made, and that such an advance ment in the army never took place without the names being produced, by whom recommended, and the sums ascer lained which were paid for the same. There was also a correspondence, shewing how the money was brought in that was intended for the half-pay fund, and what sums went out of it. He rejoiced, therefore, at the statement of facts alleged, and then brought forward.

With respect to the removal of the deputy barrack master-general at the Cape of Good Hope, he believed, and indeed knew, it was a case that frequently occurred, and that staff-officers, not on full pay at the time they were appointed, must go on half pay; those who hap

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pen to be on full pay at the time appointed, remained on full pay; but those only on half-pay must remain so. He did not know that this was the case in the instance then alluded to by the honourable gentleman, but he mentioned these circumstances because it might happen to be so; and if it were, the usage of the service would account for it, and shew that it was no fault nor partiality in the com mander-in-chief. As to the case of the two officers in the West Indies (Majors M'Donnel and Sinclair), to whom the honourable gentleman had alluded, he thought it would be putting the commander-in-chief into a very severe and invidious predicament indeed, if, because he would not consent to any particular exchange which might have suited the private convenience or interests of those two individuals, that he should, therefore, be liable to the charge of their deaths. This would be carrying his responsibility for events not depending on himself a great length indeed, and never could be thought reasonable. If, indeed, general charges were to be brought forward and countenanced against persons filling so high and important a station as that of commander-in-chief, it would, he feared, become very difficult to prevail on persons of the elevated rank of the illustrious person in question to accept an office of such extraordinary and extensive responsibility. It would appear from the statement of the alleged facts, that with a view to save money from going out of his own pocket, the commander-in-chief had connived at, or authorised the sale of commissions, the emoluments of which went into the coffers of his favourites, to the great detriment and injury of the compassionate fund. This seemed to be most contradictory of every principle of reason, or even probability. The compassionate fund actually originated with the commander-in-chief, who gave up voluntarily, and most liberally and generously, a very extensive patronage, in order that the commissions so within his gift might be sold, and added to the compassionate fund, in order to exonerate the half pay list. If he had wished to

make use of these for corrupt ends, nothing could be further from his purpose than the mode he had adopted. He coincided perfectly with his right hon. friend (the Secretary at War), and should deem himself greatly deficient in duty, as well as justice, should he omit to speak of the state of the army so lately under his