to be cruel and unjust, forasmuch as it leaves the person accused in needless suspense; and, besides being unsup, ported by the evidence, it does not even profess to ascer tain the nature, or the degree of guilt imputable to him; nor if a majority should agree to the address, how many may do so for one reason, and how many for another, quite different, and nearly the reverse. In my mind it is also inconsistent with the dignity of parliament, because it throws upon his majesty the hard task of deciding for himself what ought to be done, instead of pursuing the inquiry to its proper determination: and it thereby acknowledges that this House is either unable or unwilling to fulfil one of its most important duties. Disapproving, however, of this address as much as I do, I am by no means inclined to assert that the immoral connexion, which has led to so many unhappy consequences, ought to pass wholly unnoticed: on the contrary, the occasion seems to require some expression of regret that the Commander-in-chief should have deviated so widely from those habits of domestic virtue, of which his royal parent has furnished, to the blessing of this country, so bright an example.

Mr. Curwen moved that the question might be read, which being done, he said it appeared that it was sug gested the Duke of York was privy to the transactions. He then proceeded to observe, that the honourable and learned gentleman who had just sat down, had thought it necessary, both at the beginning and conclusion of his argument, to make professions of the purity of his motives, For his own part, he should make no professions of the kind, but leave his conduct to answer for itself. This question was, in his opinion, one of the highest import ance that had ever been submitted to the consideration of the House. In speaking of and investigating the characters of the ministers of the day, every gentleman found it an casy matter to form his opinion, and to express his sentiments; but in the question now before them it was very different, and required them to be much more expli cit in their reasons. In the present case, it did not seem to him to be necessary to prove that the money went directly into the pockets of his Royal Highness. It was sufficient that he was at all privy to the transactions which gave occasion to this corruption. If he would be so imprudent as to commit himself to the guidance or incite

ments of such persons as those with whom he had been connected, he must expect his conduct would, by all impartial and independent minds, be judged of accordingly; and in forming his (Mr. Curwen's) opinion on this case, he was by no means bound to stand up for the purity of Mrs. Clarke, but to take her evidence as it stood, connected with and corroborated by other testimony, over which she could have no kind of influence or control. He owned he was astonished at the arguments of the honourable and learned gentleman, who was a judge, and who had professed to deliver them as if sitting on the bench of justice in the court where he presided. He (Mr. Curwen) believed there was not a man in that House who did not sincerely, from his heart, wish most devoutly, from the commencement of this business to the present moment, that the Duke of York might be cleared even of a shadow of suspicion. The honourable and learned gentleman had in the course of his speech paid a compliment to the candour and fairness with which the honourable gentleman who brought forward the charges had throughout the whole business conducted himself. He thought no compliment was ever better merited than that which the learn ed gentleman had so justly bestowed; and he was sure that not only that House but the whole country would allow he had undertaken a most arduous task, which he had executed with the greatest coolness, candour, and ability, in which he had done himself the highest honour. With respect to the question then before the House, the first thing he would wish to call their attention to was Colonel French's levy. He could not conceive that any thing could, in the nature of things, be stronger than Colonel Taylor's letter on that subject; and, after he had stated that each man would cost government 150l. to continue it for three months more was a line of conduct which was very unbecoming a commander-in-chief, and shewed there must have been some overweening interest by which he was guided. What was the case of the note which had so strangely in his mind been called a mysterious note? Colonel Gordon, when called upon, had evinced to every member in the House, who attended to him, that he gave his evidence on that paper as he would have given his heart's blood. General Brownrigg seemed to be equally affected. In short, from the whole evidence on that paper, he could not but say, that in his conscience he sin

cerely believed that note to be in the hand-writing of the Duke of York, and that it went to put a stop to the progress of Major Tonyn's promotion at the time he was desirous to withdraw his money. If he understood the purport of that note, the Committee should not have proceeded as if they were trying a person at the Old Bailey, and determined not to travel out of the record, but should have fairly and fully investigated every circumstance which could by possibility have elicited the truth. He thought the correspondence of General Clavering proved that his case was one to which his Royal Highness was privy; for the whole was couched in such a style as to convince his mind, from the haste which was expressed for the answers to General Clavering's letters, that it was a subject which had been repeatedly urged, and was by no means one of common conversation. The next case was that of Colonel Shaw, which to him appeared to carry a strong evidence of a corrupt bargain. The honourable and learned gentleman had said, there was an offer of a certain sum of money; why did they not take it? The reason was evident, viz. because they had ceased to pay that sum, and from that circumstance arose the putting him on half pay. The honourable and learned gentleman had said the princes did not know the value of money. He believed so-if they had, they would not have suffered any person to go on expending money, when there was nothing to pay withal; but this utter contempt for the value of money, and being also, as the learned gentleman observed, averse to accounts, was no great argument in favour or recommendation of a Commander-in chief. The learned gentleman had said, how could there be a want of money-was there not a mill for money? No, it was only a wind-mill, which could not go but on particular occasions, when certain circumstances favoured them with a breeze to set it going. When he looked at this question gravely, he found that though it was a painful and a dreadful sentence the House had to pass, it was absolutely necessary. No party spirit should ever influence him; but he felt, in the most impressive manner, that the character of the country was its defence, and that the House were the guardians and protectors of that character. What ought to be the conduct of that House on the present occasion? It should shew the country that when a matter of such high importance was brought be.

fore it, the highest subject in the country would be treated with the same measure of justice as the lowest subject would be; that the scales would be held with an equal hand; and that those who were found guilty of corrupt practices should be punished, be their rank what it might. The country looked for it, and the House should shew they did not look in vain. It had been said, there were conspiracies of Jacobins. He believed there were no Jacobins; but where it was evident that abuses and corrup tions existed to a very great degree, no wonder the people of the country should be dissatisfied. They were obliged to submit to great privations; yet he believed if such moderate reforms were agreed to be made as to give them hopes that the affairs of the country would be properly administered in future, the country would be quiet and contented. The honourable and learned gentleman had spoken with great feeling on the situation of Samuel Carter, as being recommended by a meritorious officer. He thought, however, the case of Carter was one of those which tended materially to disgust the army, and to weaken the zeal and spirit of all ranks in that profession. These are not times, continued he, to shut our eyes against corruption-its effects were most highly injurious, and it behoved us to meet them boldly and endeavour to overthrow them. He, for one, was convinced of the necessity of this, and should therefore give his cordial assent to the motion which had just been made by the honourable gentleman.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, he wished to have offered himself to the attention of the House as soon as the honourable gentleman had concluded his motion, had he not observed his honourable and learned friend rise to offer his sentiments on the subject; and he felt that, from his character, his talents, and his years, he was entitled to the previous attention of the House; and he was very glad he had so given way, as otherwise the fatigue and other inconveniencies attendant on a further delay of hearing him, might have prevented the House from receiving the benefit of one of the most able, important, and interesting speeches which had ever been delivered in it. He wished, however, as early as possible, to bring the House to what was the real ground of the question before them. The House would recollect, that when the charges were brought forward against the Duke of York by the

honourable gentleman, he stated that he would undertake to prove that his Royal Highness had been guilty of di rect and base corruption. On that ground the House had agreed to the inquiry, and on that ground it was the duty of the House to pronounce the judgment directly on that charge of Guilty, or Not Guilty; it was absolutely necessary they should not fight shy on the subject. The honourable gentleman who spoke last had stated, that if there were corruptions, they should not shut their eyes against them. He agreed to this: it was the duty of the House to hunt them out wherever they were to be found, and consign them to the infamy they merited. It was hard to say, that because his Royal Highness had received intimation that French's levy would cost the country 1501. a man, and had continued it for three months afterwards, that he had therefore been influenced by corrupt motives -he, who had for sixteen years served the country at the head of the army, who had improved its discipline, and made it what it then was. It was extremely hard and unfair that the House should, by agreeing to the proposed motion, address his majesty, to remove him from the situa tion he then held, without first coming to a resolution of guilty, or not guilty, of the offence with which he had been charged. He begged the House to recollect who it was they would endeavour to turn out, almost the first subject in the kingdom, and he hoped they would pause, before they committed an act that would disgrace the House of Commons. He was sorry to observe, that the generous, open, candid, and manly feelings of the honourable gentleman who brought forward the charges, had been led away, so as to be prevailed on by the advice of cooler heads than his, and persons who meant more than he did, to fritter them down in the way that had been done by the motion of that night. He could not be supposed desirous of going out of his way to compliment the honourable gentleman; but as the present motion was so very different from what he had given reason to suppose he would bring forward, in consequence of the direct charges he had made, he felt it to be his duty to propose to the House, to say directly and distinctly, whether the Duke of York had been guilty of the corruption or connivance of which he had been accused, and for that purpose would tender an amendment or resolution, on which the House might determine that question. His first impression cer