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THE

LOYALIST:

NUMBER V.

CONTAINING

Original and Select Papers;

Intended to rouse and animate the BRITISH NATION during the present important Crisis, and to direct its united Energies against the perfidious Attempts of a malignant, cruel, and impious Foe.

Addressed to all patriotic Persons; especially to the SOLDIERS, SAILORS, and LOYAL VOLUNTEERS, throughout England, Wales, Scotland, and Ireland. Recommended for liberal Distribution in every City, Town, Village, Camp, and Cottage of the United Kingdom.

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"The irritation I feel against England increases daily. Great Britain cannot contend singly against the power of France. A descent I am determined to attempt, by putting myself at the head of an expedition; and, such is the disposition of the troops, that army after army will be found for the enterprise." The First Consul.

SIR,

To the Editor of the Loyalist.

I HAVE enclosed you some extracts from a correspondence between General Washington and Dr. James Anderson. They accord so much with the sentiments of the LoYALIST, and of every sound-hearted Briton, and appear so likely to promote the objects of your publication, that I am unwilling to neglect so well-timed an opportunity of circulating more extensively such patriotic opinions. All those who have read the politics of Europe for these last ten or twelve years will readily subscribe to these sentiments; but there are some among us whose habits of industry afford them fewer opportunities VOL. I. N° 5.

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of studying the economy of kingdoms and empires, and who trust to others for the bias of their own political opinions: to these it may be important to produce the political tenets of such a man as General Washington, whose knowledge of the theory and practice of government must give a lasting sanction to every thing he has advanced on the ambitious disposition of the French nation. If that nation be naturally so restless and eager after new conquests, how much more so will it be now; having such a despot as Buonaparte at its head, to point out neighbouring states for its plunder and aggrandizement? I have only to add, that if there be any merit in these extracts, I look for none greater than that of subscribing to them most heartily.

JOHN ROBINSON.

I am, Sir, your very obedient servant, 30, Arundel Street, Strand, Aug. 23d, 1803.

I little imagined when I took my last leave of the walks of public life, and retired to the shades of my vine and fig-tree, that any event would arise in my day which would bring me again on a public theatre: but the unjust, ambitious, and intoxicated conduct of France towards these United States has been, and continues to be such, that they must be opposed by a firm and manly resistance, or we shall not only hazard the subjugation of our government, but the independence of our nation also; both being evidently struck at by a lawless, domineering power, who respects no rights, and is restrained by no treaties when it is found inconvenient to observe them.

Thus situated-sustaining daily injuries, even indignities, with a patient forbearance, from a sincere desire to live in peace and harmony with all the world; the French Directory, mistaking the motives of the American character, and supposing that the people of this country were divided, and would give countenance to their nefarious measures, have proceeded to exact loans, or, in other words, contributions; and to threaten us, in case of non-compliance with their wild, unfounded, and incoherent complaints, that we should share the fate of Venice, and other Italian states. (We may now unfortunately add Switzerland, Holland, Hanover, &c. to the list of states groaning under the French yoke.)

This has roused the people from their slumbers, and filled 'their minds with indignation from one extremity of the Union

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to the other; and, I trust, if they should attempt to carry their threats into effect, and invade our territorial, as they have done our commercial rights, they will meet a spirit that will give them more trouble than they are aware of in the citizens of these States.

When every thing sacred and dear to freemen is thus threatened, I could not, consistently with the principles which have actuated me through life, remain an idle spectator, and refuse to obey the call of my country to head its armies for defence; and therefore have pledged myself to come forward whenever the exigency shall require it.

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* I shall relinquish the peaceful walks to which I had retired, believing that man was not designed by Providence to live for himself alone, and shall prepare for the worst that can happen.

My best wishes always attend you; and with great esteem and regard, I am, Sir,

Your most obedient and obliged humble servant,

G. WASHINGTON.

Dr. ANDERSON's Answer to General WASHINGTON. Isleworth, April 15th, 1799.

HONOURED SIR,

It is a fortunate circumstance that the intoxicated nation, which you have with so much justice and energy characterized, should have acted so incautiously as to open the eyes of your people to the real objects it aimed at, and thus to have created an unanimity at home which alone could give energy to your truly patriotic efforts; and which, I trust, will be preserved, notwithstanding the insidious schemes of a cunning, unprincipled people, who will no doubt exert all their influence to destroy it. The same circumstances have operated strongly in this nation, and have given a power to government that it did not use to possess; but which, I trust, will finally frustrate the views of that ambitious nation, which hoped to avail itself of the wicked machinations of a desperate few, who, in their turn, had no doubt of being able to raise themselves to power by inflaming the minds of a deluded populace, that may at all times be easily led astray by sophistical arguments respecting subjects beyond the reach of their limited comprehension fully to understand. the powers of Europe in general had dared to think and to act with the same degree of energy that the American States have done, the evil might have been remedied long before this time.

If

France is at present engaged in a grand struggle for power. Her object is, in the first place, to aggrandize herself; and, in the next place, to depress Great Britain, her old and dreaded rival. She has been, in some respects, as successful hitherto in her warlike efforts as she could expect. But how do these successes operate? Not in promoting her own strength and stability, but in weakening it; not in diminishing the wealth and prosperity of Britain, but in augmenting them.

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I have the honour to remain, with the most respectful esteem, Sir,

Your much obliged and very humble servant,

JAMES ANDERSON.

French Sentiments on the Invasion. Communicated by WM. WRIGHT, Esq. late English Interpreter to General BRABANÇON, Commandant at Calais, whence the Author recently escaped in a Trunk.

In the town of Calais, and indeed along the coast, the nonmilitary part of the inhabitants, with the women, are averse to the attempt; but the soldiery, and most of the officers, denounce the utmost vengeance they can inflict, and feast their imagination with the hope of plunder and debauch. The comparative affluence of the English peasantry is a subject of continual reflection; they thence infer that every step will afford abundance of riches: the sacking of Ispahan or Seringapatam, those repositories of Eastern magnificence, could not inspire ideas of greater booty than is expected to be found in London. Most of the general officers encourage this spirit among the troops: if they part, a jest is excited that they may meet next in London. Of our women, both officers and men talk in the most lascivious manner, so as to shock the ears of Englishmen, who feel for the honour of those most dear to them, and equally disgraceful to the nation to which they belong. Thus fanning the envy, the lust, and the avarice of their men, the officers receive back the breeze, and, believing that spontaneous which they themselves created, reckon nothing more certain than the full accomplishment of their purposes and their desires. The conquest of this country is not then, as is falsely represented, a bugbear existing only in the head or the heart of the First Consul; wherever it may have originated, scarcely is there a man but burns for the expedition, and is persuaded of its ultimate success. Avert it Heaven! You Englishmen who have

HINTS TO THE PEOPLE OF GREAT BRITAIN.

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property to lose, look to the consequences of supineness and negligence; you that have none, at least you will not submit your wives, your daughters, and other female relations, to the brutal embrace of Frenchmen? Frenchmen! detested, degraded name, how fallen in the scale of human nature; since you are not only unworthy and incapable of enjoying liberty, but are yourselves the instruments in the hands of a sanguinary monster for imposing his shackles on surrounding nations who would preserve theirs!

Hints to the Common People of Great Britain and Ireland. A LITTLE twopenny tract, entitled, "Important Considerations for the People of this Kingdom," has been sent (by order of Government, we suppose) to the officiating minister of every parish in England. The shocking and unexampled barbarities committed by the French invaders, in several parts of the continent, are depicted with peculiar justice and energy in this well-written pamphlet. Such atrocious and inhuman deeds would really have been too diabolical for our belief, if they were not fully authenticated by various and indisputable evidence. The concluding pages of the above. work are extremely interesting to the COMMON PEOPLE, some of whom are perhaps ready to hope that the French armies have proclaimed-" War to the palace, but peace to the cottage."

"In adverting to these detestable acts of oppression and cruelty, we must recollect, that they were perpetrated upon a people, who had made no resistance of any sort against the invaders, and who in every instance had entered into an agreement with the French Generals, to pay them great sums of money, in order to preserve their country from plunder. In consequence of the ransom thus wrung from the people, the invaders declared, by public proclamation, that the persons and property of the inhabitants should be strictly respected; and that their rights, usages, laws, and religion should remain inviolate and undisturbed. On these assurances, thus solemnly made, the credulous people all implicitly relied, while some of the poorer classes regarded the French, not as enemies, but as their deliverers from taxes and labour. No sooner, however, had the invasion taken place, no sooner had the French become masters of the country, than they spread themselves over it like beasts of prey, devouring and destroying every thing before them. They spared neither cities, nor towns, neither villages, nor hamlets, nor solitary houses; from the church to the cell,