The course which the government of the United States adopted on this painful occasion, was such as at once demonstrated a sincere respect for the publick character with which Mr. Jackson was invested, and a due sense of its own dignity. Mr. Jackson's conduct had left a feeble hope that further intercourse with him, unproductive of good as it must be, might still be reconcileable with the honour of the American government. A fair opportunity was accordingly presented to him of making it so by Mr. Smith's letter of 1st of November, of which I beg leave to insert the concluding paragraph.

"I abstain, sir, from making any particular animadversions on several irrelevant and improper allusions in your letter, not at all comporting with the professed disposition to adjust in an amicable manner the differences unhappily subsisting between the two countries: But it would be improper to conclude the few observations to which I purposely limit myself, without adverting to your repetition of a language implying a knowledge, on the part of this government, that the instructions of your predecessor did not authorize the arrangement formed by him. After the explicit and peremptory asseveration that this government had no such knowledge, and that with such knowledge no such arrangement would have been entered into, the view which you have again presented of the subject makes it my duty to apprize you, that such insinuations are inadmissible in the intercourse of a foreign minister with a government that understands what it owes to itself."

Whatever was the sense in which Mr. Jackson had used the expressions to which the American government took exception, he was now aware of the sense in which they were understood, and consequently was called upon, if he had been misapprehended, to say so. His expressions conveyed an injurious meaning, supported moreover by the context; and the notice taken of them had not exceeded the bounds of just admonition. To have explained away even an imaginary affront, would have been no degradation; but, when an occasion was thus offered, to qualify real and severe imputations upon the government to which he was accredited, it could scarcely be otherwise than a duty to take immediate advantage of it.

Such, however, was not Mr. Jackson's opinion. He preferred answering the appeal, which had been made to him,

by reiterating with aggravations the offensive insinuation. He says, in the last paragraph of his letter, of the 4th of November, to Mr. Smith," You will find that, in my correspondence with you, I have carefully avoided drawing conclusions that did not necessarily follow from the premises advanced by me, and least of all should I think of uttering an insinuation where I was unable to substantiate a fact. To facts, such as I have become acquainted with them, I have scrupulously adhered. In so doing I must continue, whenever the good faith of his majesty's government is called in question, to vindicate its honour and dignity, in the manner that appears to me best calculated for that purpose."

To this, my lord, there could be but one reply. Official intercourse with Mr. Jackson could no longer be productive of any effects that were not rather to be avoided than desired; and it was plainly impossible that it should continue. He was, therefore, informed by Mr. Smith, in a letter of the 8th of November, which recapitulated the inducements to this unavoidable step, that no further communications would be received from him; that the necessity of this determination would, without delay, be made known to his government, and that in the mean time a ready attention would be given to any communications, affecting the interests of the two nations, through any other channel that might be substituted.

The President has been pleased to direct that I should make known this necessity to his majesty's government, and at the same time request that Mr. Jackson be recalled. And I am particularly instructed to do this in a manner that will leave no doubt of the undiminished desire of the United States, to unite in all the means the best calculated to establish the relations of the two countries on the solid foundations of justice, of friendship, and of mutual interest. I am further particularly instructed, my lord, to make his majesty's government sensible, that, in requiring the recall of Mr. Jackson, the United States wish not to be understood as in any degree obstructing communications which may lead to a friendly accommodation; but that, on the contrary, they sincerely retain the desire, which they have constantly professed, to facilitate so happy an event, and that nothing will be more agreeable to them than to find the minister, who has ren

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dered himself so justly obnoxious, replaced by another, who, with a different character, may carry with him all the authorities and instructions requisite for the complete success of his mission; or if the attainment of this object through my agency should be considered more expeditious or otherwise preferable, that it will be a course entirely satisfactory to the United States.

These instructions, which I lay before your lordship without disguise, require no comment.

Before I conclude this letter, it may be proper very shortly to advert to two communications received by Mr. Secretary Smith from Mr. Oakley after the correspondence with Mr. Jackson had ceased.

The first of these communications (of which I am not able to ascertain the date) requested a document having the effect of a special passport or safeguard for Mr. Jackson and his family, during their further stay in the United States. This application was regarded as somewhat singular; but the document, of which the necessity was not perceived, was nevertheless furnished. The reason assigned for the application excited some surprise. I have troubled your lordship in conversation with a few remarks from my instructions, upon one of those reasons, which I will take the liberty to repeat. The paper in question states, that Mr. Jackson" had already been once most grossly insulted by the inhabitants of Hampton, in the unprovoked language of abuse held by them to several officers bearing the king's uniform, when those officers were themselves violently assaulted and put in imminent danger."

I am given to understand, my lord, that the insult here. alluded to was for the first time brought under the notice of the American government by this paper; that it had, indeed, been among the rumours of the day that some unbecoming scene had taken place at Hampton, or Norfolk, between some officers belonging to the Africaine frigate and some of the inhabitants, and that it took its rise in the indiscretion of the former; that no attention to the circumstance having been called for, and no inquiry having been made, the truth of the case is unknown; but that it was never supposed that Mr. Jackson himself, who was on board the frigate, had been personally insulted, nor is it yet understood in what way he supposes that he was so.

I am authorized to add, that any complaint or representation on the subject would instantly have received every proper attention.

The other communication (of which the substance was soon afterwards published to the American people in the form of a circular letter from Mr. Jackson to the British consuls in the United States) seems to have been intended as a justification of his conduct, in that part of his correspondence which had given umbrage to the American government. This paper (bearing date the 13th of November,) is not very explicit; but it would appear to be calculated to give rather a new form to the statements which Mr. Jackson had suffered the government of the United States to view in another light, until it had no choice but to act upon the obvious and natural interpretation of them sanctioned by himself.

It was never objected to Mr. Jackson (as this paper seems to suggest) that he had stated, that the three propositions in Mr. Erskine's original instructions were submitted to Mr. Smith by that gentleman; or that he had stated it as made known to him by Mr. Canning, that the instruction to Mr. Erskine, containing those three conditions, was the only one from which his authority was derived for the conclusion of an arrangement on the matter to which it related.

The objection was, that he had ascribed to the American government a knowledge that the propositions submitted to its consideration by Mr. Erskine were indispensable conditions, and that he did so, even after that knowledge had been distinctly disclaimed, and he had been made to perceive that a repetition of the allegation could not be suffered. I willingly leave your lordship to judge, whether Mr. Jackson's correspondence will bear any other construction than it in fact received, and whether, supposing it to have been erraneously construed, his letter of the 4th of November should not have corrected the mistake instead of confirming and establishing it.

As an explanation this paper was even worse than nothing. It had not the appearance of an attempt to rectify misapprehension. It sought to put the American government in the wrong, by assuming that what had given so much umbrage ought not to have given any. It imported reproach rather than explanation. It kept out of sight

the real offence, and introducing a new and insufficient one in its place, seemed to disclose no other wish than to withdraw from the government of the United States the ground upon which it had proceeded. Its apparent purpose, in a word, was to fix a charge of injustice upon the past, not to produce a beneficial effect upon the future. In this view, and in this only, it was perfectly consistent that it should announce Mr. Jackson's determination to retire to New York.

The time when this paper was presented will not have escaped your lordship's observation. It followed the demand, already mentioned, of a safeguard for "Mr. Jackson, his family, and the gentlemen attached to his mission;" a demand which cannot be regarded, especially if we look to the inducements to which it was referred, as either conciliatory or respectful. It followed, too, the letter of the 4th of November, which, had explanation been intended, ought undoubtedly to have contained it, but which, in lieu of it, contained fresh matter of provocation. It was itself followed by the publication of its own substance in another garb. On the very day of its date, when Mr. Jackson, if he meant it as an explanation, could not be justified in concluding that it would not be satisfactory, it was moulded by him into the circular address to which I have before alluded; and immediate steps appear to have been taken to give to it, in that shape, the utmost publicity. I have no wish, my lord, to make any strong remarks upon that proceeding. It will be admit ted that it was a great irregularity; and that, if Mr. Jackson had been particularly anxious to close every avenue to reconciliation between the American government and himself, he could not have fallen upon a better expedient.

I have now only to add, my lord, the expression of my own most ardent wish that, out of the incident which has produced this letter, an occasion may be made to arise, which, improved as it ought to be, and I trust will be, by our respective governments, may conduct them to cordial and lasting friendship. Thus to endeavour to bring good out of evil, would be worthy of the rulers of two nations that are only in their natural position when they are engaged in offices of mutual kindness, and largely contributing to the prosperity and happiness of each other.

I have the honour to be, &c.

WM. PINKNEY.