CHAPTER XXIV. THE RISING TIDE. National Fame-The Cooper Institute Speech-Sectionalism-Illinois State Convention at Decatur-The Rail-splitter-The Republican National Convention at Chicago-The Presidential Nomination-1859. ALL over the country, and in every part of every section, popular preparations for the Presidential campaign of 1860 began earlier than usual. Men of all parties perceived, more or less clearly, that an unprecedented crisis was at hand in public af fairs. Mr. Lincoln began to receive letters from various persons who inquired as to his views of different questions. These were not all sent him with a friendly purpose, but his replies were at once frank and judicious. During the autumn of the year 1859 he made a number of political speeches in Ohio, and early in the winter he did the same in Kansas. Everywhere he gave renewed evidences of the ripening of his powers as a statesman and orator. His fame was growing so fast that even his best friends were compelled to recognize it. At last, a self-appointed committee of them arranged a conference with him, in a room of the State House at Springfield, to urge upon him the propriety of formally permitting the use of his name as a Presidential candidate. He heard them. He took one night to consider the matter, and the next day gave his consent. His demeanor throughout the conference was quiet, modest, thoughtful, and he expressed strong doubt of success in obtaining the nomination. Meantime an unintended movement in his favor was made by men who had no thought of him as a rival of their own pre ferred candidates. In October he had received an invitation to deliver a lecture at the Cooper Institute, in New York City. After consulting with Mr. Herndon, he consented, on condition that he should be permitted to speak upon political questions, setting a day in the following February. This was readily agreed to, and he at once set himself diligently to the work of preparation. The people of the United States were wonderfully "sectional" in the year 1859. The North knew little of the South, and the South knew almost nothing of the North. The West was the very symbol of vagueness and uncertainty to the people of the East. The people of the West, other than immigrants from the seaboard States, did but dimly bear in mind their relations to the older settlements between their homes and the Atlantic. There were therefore few men in Illinois who could comprehend the significance of the invitation to Mr. Lincoln to speak in New York, or see how high, how very rare a compliment was thereby offered him. The great East teemed with eloquent men,-lawyers, scholars, statesmen, theologians,—and yet its chief city asked to hear a man who as yet had won no tangible eminence in either of these characters. Except as a local celebrity, made such in recent political campaigns, it was supposed that he had never been heard of. This was in a measure true, for he had been felt rather than heard, and all the more did men desire to see and hear him. No previous effort of his life cost him so much hard work as did that Cooper Institute speech. When finished, it was a masterly review of the history of the slavery question from the foundation of the government, with a clear, bold, statesmanlike presentation of the then present attitude of parties and of sections. It exhibited a careful research, a thorough knowledge and understanding of political movements and developments, that staggered even the most laborious and painstaking students. It showed a grasp, a breadth, a mental training, and a depth of penetration which compelled the admiration of critical scholars. Those who heard and those who afterwards read it in print alike filed it away as an historical document. Those who listened to its delivery acknowledged with one voice that the country possessed and had now discovered one more great man and great orator. Nothing like this had been at all expected, although enough was already known of Mr. Lincoln to call together in Cooper Institute an audience which astonished him. The great hall was crowded with the best citizens of New York. The members of that throng had all of them listened to many celebrated speakers and to what they deemed great speeches. They were cultivated, intelligent, critical, but they were willing to be. amused, or even interested, by a first-class specimen of Western "stump oratory." They knew sufficiently well that the tall, ungainly, awkward man in black who arose upon the platform to be introduced by William Cullen Bryant had had no educational advantages. He was a coarse fellow, of low origin, who had never been to college or moved in polished society. He had not so much as distinguished himself as a soldier, officeholder, editor, nor had he ever written a book. It was said of him that he told funny stories well, and that he had a strange faculty for holding the attention of a Western gathering of rude, illiterate people. Very vague indeed were the notions and expectations of the multitude when the speaker began, but it was not long before an unlooked-for light began to dawn upon them. Slowly the minds of all took in the idea that this was an address, not to them only, but to the entire American people. Mr. Lincoln had toilfully prepared, and was now uttering, a declaration of the causes, principles, and purposes which underlay the existence and action, past, present, and to come, of the Republican party. He had also fallen but little short of combining a political platform with an "Inaugural Address." The effect may be well expressed in the words with which ferred candidates. In October he had received an invitation to deliver a lecture at the Cooper Institute, in New York City. After consulting with Mr. Herndon, he consented, on condition that he should be permitted to speak upon political questions, setting a day in the following February. This was readily agreed to, and he at once set himself diligently to the work of preparation. The people of the United States were wonderfully "sectional" in the year 1859. The North knew little of the South, and the South knew almost nothing of the North. The West was the very symbol of vagueness and uncertainty to the people of the East. The people of the West, other than immigrants from the seaboard States, did but dimly bear in mind their relations to the older settlements between their homes and the Atlantic. There were therefore few men in Illinois who could comprehend the significance of the invitation to Mr. Lincoln to speak in New York, or see how high, how very rare a compliment was thereby offered him. The great East teemed with eloquent men,-lawyers, scholars, statesmen, theologians,-and yet its chief city asked to hear a man who as yet had won no tangible eminence in either of these characters. Except as a local celebrity, made such in recent political campaigns, it was supposed that he had never been heard of. This was in a measure true, for he had been felt rather than heard, and all the more did men desire to see and hear him. No previous effort of his life cost him so much hard work as did that Cooper Institute speech. When finished, it was a masterly review of the history of the slavery question from the foundation of the government, with a clear, bold, statesmanlike presentation of the then present attitude of parties and of sections. It exhibited a careful research, a thorough knowledge and understanding of political movements and developments, that staggered even the most laborious and painstaking students. It showed a grasp, a breadth, a mental training, and a depth of penetration which compelled the admiration of critical scholars. Those who heard and those who afterwards. read it in print alike filed it away as an historical document. Those who listened to its delivery acknowledged with one voice that the country possessed and had now discovered one more great man and great orator. The mem Nothing like this had been at all expected, although enough was already known of Mr. Lincoln to call together in Cooper Institute an audience which astonished him. The great hall was crowded with the best citizens of New York. bers of that throng had all of them listened to many celebrated speakers and to what they deemed great speeches. They were cultivated, intelligent, critical, but they were willing to be. amused, or even interested, by a first-class specimen of Western stump oratory." They knew sufficiently well that the tall, ungainly, awkward man in black who arose upon the platform to be introduced by William Cullen Bryant had had no educational advantages. He was a coarse fellow, of low origin, who had never been to college or moved in polished society. He had not so much as distinguished himself as a soldier, officeholder, editor, nor had he ever written a book. It was said of him that he told funny stories well, and that he had a strange faculty for holding the attention of a Western gathering of rude, illiterate people. Very vague indeed were the notions and expectations of the multitude when the speaker began, but it was not long before an unlooked-for light began to dawn upon them. Slowly the minds of all took in the idea that this was an address, not to them only, but to the entire American people. Mr. Lincoln had toilfully prepared, and was now uttering, a declaration of the causes, principles, and purposes which underlay the existence and action, past, present, and to come, of the Republican party. He had also fallen but little short of combining a political platform with an "Inaugural Address." The effect may be well expressed in the words with which |