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1713.

THE ACT OF UNION ASSAILED.

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members being most eager and vehement against bearing any share of it. Finding themselves outvoted, and the Bill passed the Commons, they held several private conferences with the Peers of their party; sent an Address to the Queen; and, finding this ineffectual, indignantly agreed to move for an Act for dissolving the Union between the two kingdoms. Such a motion was accordingly brought forward by the Earl of Findlater, on the 1st of June, and produced a long debate. Lord Peterborough indulged his lively fancy. He observed, "that though sometimes there happened a difference between "man and wife, yet it did not presently break the marriage; "so, in the like manner, though England, who in this national "marriage must be supposed to be the husband, might, in 66 'some instances, have been unkind to the lady, yet she ought "not presently to sue for a divorce, the rather because she "had very much mended her fortune by this match." The Duke of Argyle said, "that it was true he had a great hand "in making the Union: that the chief reason that moved him "to it was the securing the Protestant Succession, but that "he was satisfied that might be done as well now if the Union 66 'were dissolved; and that, if it were not, he did not expect "long to have either property left in Scotland or liberty in "England!"*

It does not appear that Bolingbroke - undoubtedly the greatest orator of the time took any part in the debate. But his remarks upon the subject in a letter to the Duke of Shrewsbury may excite some serious reflections at the present period: "Your Grace will wonder when I tell you that "they intend to move in our House, on Monday, to dissolve "the Union. You may be sure that all those whose spirits 26 are naturally turbulent and restless — all those who have "languished under expectation, and all those who have any "personal resentment, take this occasion to add to the cry "and to pursue their own views by intermingling them in "this cause.. We shall, I believe, ground on this mo

*

Parliamentary History, vol. vi. p. 1217. See also Lockhart's Comment. (p. 414-437.) for a very full account of this proceeding.

"tion a Bill to make it high treason, by any overt act, to "attempt the dissolution of the Union. If, after this, we "go on to show them all reasonable indulgence, and at the 66 same time to show to them and to all mankind a firmness "of resolution and a steadiness of conduct, good will have "come out of evil, and we shall reap some benefit from this

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To any one who considers either the nature of this question, or the usual feelings and conduct of the House of Lords, the division on Lord Findlater's motion will appear not a little surprising. Fifty-four Peers voted for it, and exactly as many against it. Proxies were then called for; and, there being 13 in the affirmative, and 17 in the negative, it was rejected by a majority of only four. But the fact is, that this subject, like every other in the Session, was considered not so much on national as on party grounds. And if such a course could ever deserve indulgence, it would surely be at a crisis when the fate of the Hanover Succession hung trembling in the balance, and with it the fate of the Protestant establishment, of the British Constitution, of everything that we cherish as dear, or respect as venerable. **

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Another party matter was the favour shown by the House of Commons to Dr. Sacheverell. The sentence of the House of Lords, forbidding him to preach during the space of three years, expired on the 23rd of March; and on the Sunday following he held forth, for the first time, at his own church of St. Saviour's, and, taking for his text the words, "Father, "forgive them, for they know not what they do ***," drew

Bolingbroke's Correspondence, vol. ii. p. 409.

** A curious account of this division is given in a letter to Swift from Erasmus Lewis, at that time M. P. for Lestwithiel. He tells us that both the Tory Peers who voted with the Lord Treasurer against the dissolution of the Union, and the Scotch who voted for it, were "under agonies" lest they themselves should be victorious! "In all the time I have been con"versant in business, I never before observed both sides at the same time "acting parts which they thought contrary to their interests." See Swift's Works, vol. xvi. p. 71.

*** St. Luke, ch. xxiii. 34. On this sermon we find in Swift's Journal to Stella, April 2.; "I went to Lord Treasurer's at six, where I found

1713.

PARLIAMENT PROROGUED.

41

an unseemly parallel between his own sufferings and the Redeemer's Passion. The House of Commons, anxious to show their disapprobation of the former proceedings against him, appointed him to the honour of preaching before them on the Restoration Day; and the Court was no less forward in conferring a rich benefice upon him. Never, perhaps, had any man attained a higher pitch of popularity. We are told, that as he passed to and from the House of Lords, on his trial, the by-standers used eagerly to press about him, and strive for the happiness of kissing his hands.* We are told that, on his journey through Wales, even our princes in their progresses could scarcely have vied with his reception:** that the day on which his sentence expired was celebrated, not only in London, but in several parts of the country, with extraordinary rejoicings. *** Would not all this appear to imply that he must have possessed some degree of talent or of merit? Yet the concurrent testimony of some of his friends, as well as of his enemies, represents him as utterly foolish, ignorant, ungrateful his head reeling with vanity, his heart overflowing with gall.† This venerated idol, when we come to try its substance, appears little more than a stock or a stone. But Sacheverell was considered as the representative of a popular party doctrine as the champion and the martyr of the High Church cause; and the multitude, which always looks to persons much more than to principles, can rarely be won over, until even the clearest maxim appears embodied in some favourite leader.

"Dr. Sacheverell, who told us that the bookseller had given him 100l. for "his sermon preached last Sunday, and intended to print 30,000. I believe "he will be confoundedly bit, and will hardly sell above half."

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*** Tindal's History, vol. vi. p. 106.

Sir Walter Scott truly observes: "Although the Tory Ministry was "formed in consequence of the ferment raised by this silly tool, the "eminent writers of their party seldom mention him but with contempt." Note to Swift's Works, vol. vi. p. 250. As to Sacheverell's real principles, I have found the following entry in a "Minute of what was resolved on by "his Majesty and Earl Bolingbroke," October 14. 1715 (Stuart Papers), "Sacheverell to make his way to the King (on his landing) unless he can be more useful in London."

The 7th of July had been appointed by the Queen as a day of public thanksgiving, for what she termed "the safe "and honourable peace lately concluded." Both Houses went in procession to St. Paul's; and in the evening there were extensive illuminations blazing forth from the city, and magnificent fire-works played off from the river. The Queen, however, was prevented by illness from attending; and the Whigs kept aloof from a pageant which, in their eyes, must have appeared a profanation.

On the 16th of the same month the Queen was so far recovered as to be able to prorogue Parliament in person. "My Lords and Gentlemen," she said, "at my coming to "the Crown I found a war prepared for me. God has blessed "my arms with many victories, and at last has enabled me "to make them useful by a safe and honourable peace. "I heartily thank you for the assistance you have given me "therein, and I promise myself that, with your concurrence, "it will be lasting. To this end I recommend it to you "all to make my subjects truly sensible of what they gain "by the peace."

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It is curious to contrast this address of Queen Anne with that of the Prince Regent, a century afterwards, on closing the Session of 1814. We shall find that the shameful peace of Utrecht is commended with far higher praise than the triumphant peace of Paris. It was not necessary to ask statesmen "to make my subjects truly sensible" of the glory of the latter. We may observe, also, that the Prince Regent, in alluding to the great victories of the war, pays a proper and natural tribute to “the consummate skill and ability dis"played by the great commander whose services you have so justly acknowledged." In Queen Anne's speech, on the contrary, the Duke of Marlborough is meanly and enviously shut out from all notice. Did Harley and St. John really think that his glory depended on their notice, or that they could lower his fame by suppressing his praises?

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The Parliament, thus prorogued, was dissolved a few days afterwards. At this period the hopes of the leading

1713.

PARLIAMENT PROROGUED.

43

Whigs seem to have been greatly depressed. The Hanoverian Minister was told by Stanhope that "the greatest "number of country gentlemen is rather against us than "for us;" and the General added his opinion, that "if things "continue ever so short a time on the present footing, the "Elector will not come to the Crown unless he comes with an "army. The Whigs made, however, the most of their cause in their appeals at the Elections. They inveighed, and not without success, against the Treaty of Commerce of their opponents. To show their concern for trade, and especially for the staple commodity of England, they in most places wore pieces of wool in their hats; while on the other hand the Tories assumed green boughs, as seeking to identify themselves with the most popular event in English history- the Restoration. **

It is a melancholy reflection for human nature, how easily and completely even the most intelligent classes of even the most intelligent people may sometimes be imposed upon. There seems some inherent proneness in mankind to great national delusions. The same men whom we find as individuals watchful and wary, not readily trusting professions, nor often misled by appearances, as a body will often swallow open-mouthed the most glaring absurdities and contradictions; and the press, which ought to be the detector of such delusions, will sometimes stoop to be their instrument. Thus, in the Elections of 1713, it is certain that a very great majority of the English people were zealously attached to the rights of the House of Hanover. The Tory administration was well known to be on ill terms with that family, and was publicly accused of favouring the cause of its rival. We might, therefore, have presumed that the people of England must needs have taken one or the other

Schutz to Bothmar, Oct. 3. 1713, Macpherson, vol. ii. p. 505.

Hist. of Europe, 1713 and 1714. I find from a letter in the Stuart Papers, that there were in like manner symbols assumed on the Pretender's birthday in 1716. The Jacobites wore white roses; and the Whigs farthing warming-pans! (Letter of Mr. Thos. Innes, London, June 11.

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