tion of the government, whether or not to restore the old order of things, and to shut out the rest of the world, it is very obvious that China will not always be allowed to remain in the stunted and stagnant state in which she has been held for centuries. Events are proving too great and too rapid in their march, even for Chinese prejudice and obstinacy to resist. The day seems to be approaching when the almost hermetically sealed interior of that vast empire, as well as of the rich and populous islands of Japan, will be laid bare to the scrutiny of the European and American mind, and to the influence of the European and American trade. The discovery of the rich treasures of California has already operated to some extent upon the sluggish nature of the Chinese. Some hundreds of them have found their way to the "diggings," and are said to be amongst the most ardent of the immigrants a proof that even they are not so utterly self-sufficient and "self-contained" as to be able to resist those golden attractions which exercise such powerful sway over other people.

PERSIA.

The accounts received from this kingdom represent it to have been recently in a disturbed condition. The Shah has attempted to introduce several reforms, but they had not met with general approbation.

The Persian sect of Babis, whose main doctrine is said to be the denial of the existence of God, and who recognize no other authority than that of their chief, has at last been extinguished. They had been persecuted for two years, and their Chief, Bab de Shiraf, put to death at Tauris, when they betook themselves to Lingrian, which they fortified. The city was stormed by a considerable body of troops under Mehemet Chan, and most of the Babis fell in the struggle. The prisoners were doubtless all and governors of the various provinces to present a report of the names of those in the military and civil services, whom they deem worthy of trust and confidence. Let them inform your majesty, too, of the military organization of the country—that is, its offensive and defensive capabilities. Let them also report what is the actual state of the military forces, and what the condition of the commissariat.

"Supposing that this year sees an improvement in all these points, may we not reasonably anticipate further progress during the next?

"At the same time, it is not desirable that measures so important as these should be carried out hastily, or without mature consideration; for it is of the highest moment that they should be prosecuted with all due care, caution, and nicety. But when such arrangements shall have been once matured, your majesty need only order what shall please your majesty, and it shall be done; so that the restrictions and impediments along the whole coast may easily be re-established.

“Under such circumstances, it will be for your majesty to say of the foreigners, 'they are a perverse and obstinate generation-punish them,' and most assuredly they shall be punished; or, they are a poor contemptible race, take pity on them as heretofore,' and they shall be let alone."

killed. They were accused of scandalous offences against the religion and morals of the country.

The Cheikul-islan, or chief of religion, of Tabris, has been arrested by order of the government, and sent under a strong escort to Teheran; the charge against him was of having favored the subversive projects of the Babis. The Khorassan was in full insurrection. Yar Mehemet Khan revolted against his father, the viceroy of the Shah, and besieged him in Herat.

An ambassador from the Sublime Porte had arrived at Teheran to congratulate the Shah on his accession to the throne, and was met at the capital by an envoy from Caboul, charged with a similar mission. A Persian journal, edited by an Englishman, has lately been established at Teheran, which is favored by the Shah. It contains several articles on the necessity of internal improvements and of the establishment of postal arrangements throughout the empire.

INDIA.

From the Nizam's dominions we learn that another intestine war had broken out in his capital, the combatants being some Gossiens and 300 Rohillas on one side, and 4,000 of the Nizam troops, with guns on the other. The Rohillas occupied a fortified building, with thick mud walls, and, after having sustained, without loss, a cannonade of twenty-seven hours, during which they killed some fifteen or twenty of their assailants, evacuated their fortress, on condition that they should receive the amount of their claims and be exempted from all punishment on account of their wild way of obtaining justice. The Nizam's vassal, the Newab of Elichpoor, had defeated the force which his lord had unjustly sent against him to dispossess him of his Jagheers.

The Nizam is heavily in debt to the company's government, and an intimation has been given to him that payment must be made or the British resident will leave his court. The grasping policy of the company has induced the supposition that this demand is but a preliminary step towards the annexation of the Nizam's dominions to the Anglo-Indian empire. The London News thus states the difficulties in the way :

"Neither this nor any other extreme measures for extorting from the Nizam payment of his just debts can be resorted to, without a risk of leading to consequences of the gravest character. It is not so much the chances of resistance from the Nizam himself that are of a nature to give pause. The sovereign who rules over 95,000 square miles of generally fertile and densely populated country, is not indeed a power to be lightly treated. But the reigning family in the Hyderabad territories are Ma

homedans, while the bulk of their subjects are Hindoos; and the conduct of the reigning Prince has been such, that but for the support of the British military contingent, and the occasional diplomatic services of the British residents, he would have been dethroned long ago. It would be an easy matter to strip the Nizam not of a part only, but of the whole of his dominions, were he only concerned, though, in that case, the new territory might, from the anarchy superinduced throughout its whole extent by the wretched mismanagement of the existing government, be found rather a troublesome inheritance. The dethronement of the Nizam, and the annexation of his territories, in whole or in part, may create a panic, and rouse discontent from the Himalaya to Cape Comorin, and from Beloochistan to Burmah."

But notwithstanding these apprehensions the writer comes to the conclusion that "circumstances may compel the government to incorporate the Hyderabad territories into their dominions, and introduce their own methods of administration into them.

CHAPTER VIII.

EUROPE.

General review-Struggle for power between Austria and Prussia-Prevalence of despotic principles-Policy of England-Prussian elements of party-Political influences in France, Holland, Belgium, &c.—Aspect of Russia-Austria-Spain-Portugal, &c.— Prospects in Turkey-Rome-Piedmont-Lombard kingdom-France-EnglandGermany, &c.

Europe, throughout the last half of 1850, presented to the historian a study of more than usual interest. Germany, Italy, and France were still agitated by the recent revolutionary movements. The war of diplomacy between Austria and Prussia, involving more or less the fate of Germany, is a striking feature of this period, while the solicitude of England, France and Russia for peace is strongly in contrast with the warlike demonstrations of the former powers. The stake for which Austria and Prussia contended and still contend, is the ascendency in Germany. Disregarding the real wishes and demands of Germany, the Austrian and Prussian diplomatists rival each other in professions of devotion to "German Union" and a desire for the promotion of

German power.
Underneath these professions lay concealed
the determination of each government to exclude its adversary,
and increase its own weight in the Germanic confederacy.

The London conference-the return and proscriptions of the Pope-the Austrian interference in Italy, and the suppression of the revolution in Cassel, afforded little to please the advocates of free government and liberal institutions. Almost everywhere the spirit of revolution was quelled with a facility which indicated the feebleness of the revolutionists, and the overwhelming superiority of the monarchists. The fearful power of Russia, auxiliary to the despotisms of Southern Europe, has hung like a dark cloud in the north, ready to overwhelm the champions of popular rights. While Russia continues to exercise a controlling influence in the affairs of Europe, the isolated movement of the people of any of the secondary European powers, unassisted by France or England, must be of uncertain issue. And while France continues in power a chief magistrate, who aspires, himself, to the imperial dignity, there can be no wellfounded hope that she will resume her natural position, of hostility to Russian interference in the affairs of the Southern and Western States of Europe.

England, struggling with all her energies to retain the commercial supremacy, which must by and by pass from her grasp to that of her more vigorous rival in the West, looks at all revolutionary movements and all changes in the established order of things through the medium of her own interests. Opposed to a European war, she readily unites with Russia, Austria, and France, in that policy by which peace may be preserved; and therefore it happened that the London press advocated the armed interference of those powers to compel the acquiescence of Northern Germany in any settlement that they might see fit to dictate. Prussia refused to join in the London protocol. This government represents the newer and more liberal elements, which are germinating in Europe, more than any other monarchy; and, though its policy both foreign and domestic at several periods has been indefensible, yet it has often dared to be liberal, and has endeavored to extricate Germany from the retrograde and bigoted policy of Austria.

The elements of political parties and social organization in Europe may be considered as triple in number. The monarchical element is in the ascendency. Conservatism, with fears both of monarchy and democracy, is the next constituent element. And lastly the ultra democratic element, which goes for change at all times and under all circumstances, and is in deadly antagonism to the two other principles.

In England, the conservative party holds in check the monarchy and the democracy. Though the union of the two last is an impossibility, moderate reforms are from time to time conceded, but nothing is yielded to intimidation.

The conservative party of France is regarded by many as more than a match for the legitimists of all shades, and the red republicans together. Enlightened Frenchmen, and indeed the largest portion of the middle, industrious, commercial and agricultural classes, abhor revolution and anarchy, and are anxious for the preservation of peace and good order.

In Holland and Belgium, conservatism is supreme; the great body of the people are in the ascendency, and the effect of this influence is visible in progress, prosperity and peace.

In Switzerland, there is a decided leaning to aristocracy; but in Denmark, Sweden and Piedmont, the conservative principle is powerful, if not predominant.

Throughout the mighty empire of Russia there is not the slightest appearance of the leaven of republicanism. But the political philanthropist may indulge the hope that even here the progress of art, and the prosecution of trade and internal improvements, will gradually raise the character, and augment the power, of the masses, and fit them for a participation in the government of the country.

The Emperor of Austria is the champion of despotism, and in every sense the opponent of progress, but there are numerous springs and wheels in that nation which will sooner or later be set in motion, and create an impulse favorable to human freedom that in the end must overpower despotism.

Spain and Portugal give no stronger proofs of vitality than a ministerial crisis or a palace quarrel.

Italy is not merely stationary but retrograde, with the exception of Piedmont. Arbitrary governments, sustained by military force, hold in check the republican tendencies in Rome, Naples and Florence.

There is a better and brighter prospect in Turkey, though governed by a Sultan who is absolute. A Mussulman in faith, but a Christian in practice, he is the protector of the patriots of Hungary, the friend of art, science and commerce, the steady promoter of judicious progress, the tolerant professor of an intolerant creed, and the extender of popular rights and privileges. Such a course, if not properly conservative, is creative, for it has introduced the knowledge of civil and religious rights, and secured the enjoyment of them where, half a century ago, they had no existence.

Thus, though a part of the picture is dark, there is, perhaps, as