the Hon. Daniel Webster, Secretary of State, the assurances of

his high consideration.

JOAQUIN VELAZQUEZ De Leon.

HON. DANIEL WEBSTER, Secretary of State.

Mr. Webster to M. Velazquez de Leon.

Department of State, Washington, June 29, 1842. SIR, Your letter of the 24th of this month, transmitting one addressed to this department by the Secretary of State and Foreign Relations of the Mexican Republic, was duly received.

The President has long desired to see here a representative of that government, the residence of such a functionary being esteemed likely to foster and promote the peace and interests of the two countries. We are happy to hear that an appointment has at length been made; and all just respect will be paid to your credentials, when it shall be your pleasure to present them. Until such presentment be made, however, no regular diplomatic intercourse can be had between this department and yourself. Whatever answer may be judged proper to the letter of M. de Bocanegra to this department will be transmitted through the minister of the United States at Mexico.

I am, Sir, your obedient servant,

DANIEL WEBSTER.

SEÑOR DON JOAQUIN VELAZQUEZ DE LEON.

M. de Bocanegra to Mr. Webster.
[TRANSLATION.]

National Palace, Mexico, May 12, 1842. The undersigned, Secretary of State and Foreign Relations, enjoys the satisfaction of addressing the honorable Secretary of State of the United States of America, in the name and by the express order of his Excellency the President of the Mexican Republic. The relations of amity and good harmony which have happily subsisted between this and your great nation might have been disturbed in a lamentable manner, since the year 1835, when the revolution of Texas broke out, if the Mexican government had not given so many evidences of its forbearance, and had not made so many and so great sacrifices for the sake of peace, in order that the world might not, with pain and

amazement, see the two nations which appear to be destined to establish the policy and the interests of the American continent divided and ravaged by the evils of war.

But from that truly unfortunate period, the Mexican republic has received nothing but severe injuries and inflictions from the citizens of the United States. The Mexican government speaks only of the citizens of the United States, as it still flatters itself with the belief that it is not the government of that country which has promoted the insurrection in Texas, which has favored the usurpation of its territory, and has supplied the rebels with ammunition, arms, vessels, money, and recruits; but that these aggressions have proceeded from private individuals, who have not respected the solemn engagements which bind together the two nations, nor the treaties concluded between them, nor the conduct, ostensibly frank, of the Cabinet of Washington.

It is, however, notorious, that the insurgent colonists of that integral part of the territory of the Mexican republic would have been unable to maintain their prolonged rebellion without the aid and the efficient sympathies of citizens of the United States, who have publicly raised forces in their cities and towns; have fitted out vessels in their ports, and laden them with munitions of war; and have marched to commit hostilities against a friendly nation, under the eyes and with the knowledge of the authorities to whom are intrusted the fulfilment of the law.

The Mexican government entertains so high an opinion of the force of the government of the United States, and of its power to restrain those its subjects from violating the religious faith of treaties, solemnly concluded between it and other nations, and from committing hostilities against such nations in time of peace, that it cannot easily comprehend how those persons have been able to evade the punishment decreed against them by the laws of the United States themselves, and to obtain that quiet impunity which incessantly encourages them to continue their attacks. It is well worthy of remark, that no sooner does the Mexican government, in the exercise of its rights, which it cannot and does not desire to renounce, prepare means to recover a possession usurped from it, than the whole population of the United States, especially in the Southern

States, is in commotion; and in the most public manner a large portion of them is turned upon Texas, in order to prevent the rebels from being subjected by the Mexican arms, and brought back to proper obedience.

Could proceedings more hostile, on the part of the United States, have taken place, had that country been at war with the Mexican republic? Could the insurgents of Texas have obtained a coöperation more effective or more favorable to their interests? Certainly not. The civilized world looks on with amazement, and the Mexican government is filled with unspeakable regret, as it did hope, and had a right to hope, that, living in peace with the United States, your government would preserve our territory from the invasions of your own subjects. The vicinity of a friend is an advantage rather than an inconvenience; but if one neighbor oversteps the sacred limits imposed by treaties, and disturbs and harasses another, it cannot be maintained that the friendship of the former is real, and that much confidence should be placed in it.

The government of the Mexican republic, therefore, which regards the faithful fulfilment of treaties as its highest obligation, and anxiously desires to preserve and increase its friendly relations with the people and the government of the United States, finds itself under the necessity of protesting solemnly against the aggressions which the citizens of those States are constantly repeating upon the Mexican territory, and of declaring, in a positive manner, that it considers as a violation of the treaty of amity the toleration of a course of conduct which produces an incomprehensible state of things, a state neither of peace nor war,- but inflicting upon the Mexican republic the same injuries and inconveniences as if war had been declared between the two nations, which are called by Providence to form with each other relations and bonds of extreme and cordial friendship.

And the undersigned, in complying with this order from the most excellent Provisional President of the Republic of Mexico, assures you, Sir, of the high consideration with which he remains your obedient servant.

J. M. DE Bocanegra.

Hon. Daniel WEBSTER, Secretary of State of the United States of America.

Mr. Webster to Mr. Thompson.

Department of State, Washington, July 8, 1842. SIR, On the 29th of last month a communication was received at this department from M. de Bocanegra, Secretary of State and Foreign Relations of the government of Mexico, having been forwarded through the agency of M. Velazquez de Leon, at New York, who informed the department, by a letter accompanying that of M. de Bocanegra, that he had been appointed Chargé d'Affaires of the Mexican republic to this government, although he had not yet presented his credentials. M. de Bocanegra's letter is addressed to the Secretary of State of the United States, and bears date the 12th of May. A copy, together with a copy of the communication from M. Velazquez de Leon, transmitting it, and of the answer to M. Velazquez de Leon from this department, you will receive herewith. Upon the receipt of this despatch, you will immediately address a note to M. de Bocanegra, in which you will say, that

The Secretary of State of the United States has received a letter addressed to him by M. de Bocanegra, under date of the 12th of May, and transmitted to the Department of State at Washington through the agency of M. Velazquez de Leon, at New York, who informs the government of the United States. that he has been appointed Chargé d'Affaires of the Mexican republic, although he has not presented his letter of credence.

The government of the United States sees with regret the adoption, on this occasion, of a form of communication quite unusual in diplomatic intercourse, and for which no necessity is known. An envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the United States, fully accredited to the government of Mexico, was at that moment in its capital, in the actual discharge of his functions, and ready to receive on behalf of his government any communication which it might be the pleasure of the President of the Mexican republic to make to it. And it is not improper here to add, that it has been matter of regret with the government of the United States, that, while, being animated by a sincere desire at all times to cultivate the most amicable relations with Mexico, it has not failed to maintain

near that government a mission of the highest rank known to its usages, Mexico, for a long time, has had no representative near the government of the United States.

But the manner of the communication from M. de Bocanegra, however novel and extraordinary, is less important than its contents and character, which surprise the government of the United States by a loud complaint of the violation of its neutral duties. M. de Bocanegra, speaking, as he says, by the express order of the President of the Mexican republic, declares that the amicable relations between the two countries might have been lamentably disturbed since the year 1835, when the revolution in Texas broke out, had not Mexico given so many evidences of its forbearance, and made so many and so great sacrifices for the sake of peace, in order that the world might not see, with pain and amazement, two nations which appear destined to establish the policy and interests of the American continent divided and ravaged by the evils of war.

The language implies that such has been the conduct of the United States towards Mexico, that war must have ensued before the present time, had not Mexico made great sacrifices to avoid such a result; a charge which the government of the United States utterly denies and repels. It is wholly ignorant of any sacrifices made by Mexico in order to preserve peace, or of any occasion calling on its government to manifest uncommon forbearance. On the contrary, the government of the United States cannot but be of opinion, that, if the history of the occurrences between the two governments, and the state of things at this moment existing between them, be regarded, both the one and the other will demonstrate that it is the conduct of the government of the United States which has been marked, in an especial manner, by moderation and forbearance. Injuries and wrongs have been sustained by citizens of the United States, not inflicted by individual Mexicans, but by the authority of the government; for which injuries and wrongs, numerous as they are, and outrageous as is the character of some of them, and acknowledged as they are by Mexico herself, redress has been sought only by mild and peaceable means, and no indemnity asked but such as the strictest justice imperatively demanded. A desire not to disturb the peace and harmony of the two countries has led the government of the United States