Let us, as Representatives of the people, whose servants we are, bear in advance the sacred ark of republican liberty, with its tables of the law inscribed with the 'irreversible guarantees' of liberty. Let us here build a monument on which shall be written not only the curses of the law against treason, disloyalty, and oppression, but also an everlasting covenant of peace and blessing with loyalty, liberty, and obedience; and all the people will say, Amen."

In the course of a speech on confiscation, he gave this leaf from his army experience:

"I would have no man there, like one from my own State, who came to the army before the great struggle in Georgia, and gave us his views of peace. He came as the friend of Vallandigham, the man for whom the gentleman on the other side of the House from my State worked and voted. We were on the eve of the great battle. I said to him, 'You wish to make Mr. Vallandigham Governor of Ohio. Why?' 'Because, in the first place,' using the language of the gentleman from New York (Mr. Fernando Wood), 'you can not subjugate the South, and we propose to withdraw without trying it longer. In the next place, we will have nothing to do with this abolition war, nor will we give another man or another dollar for its support.' (Remember, gentlemen, what occurred in regard to the conscription bill this morning.) 'To-morrow,' I continued, 'we may be engaged in a death-struggle with the Rebel army that confronts us, and is daily increasing. Where is the sympathy of your party? Do you want us beaten, or Bragg beaten?' He answered that they had no interest in fighting, that they did not believe in fighting. "Mr. Noble: A question right here.

“Mr. Garfield: I can not yield; I have no time. You can hear his name, if you wish. He was the agent sent by the copperhead Secretary of State to distribute election blanks to the army of the Cumberland. His name was Griffiths.

"Mr. Noble: A single question.

"Mr. Garfield: I have no time to spare.

"Mr. Noble: I want to ask the gentleman if he knows that Mr. Griffiths has made a question of veracity with him by a positive denial of the alleged conversation, published in the Cincinnati Enquirer.

"Mr. Garfield: No virtuous denials in the Cincinnati Enquirer can alter the facts of this conversation, which was heard by a dozen officers.

"I asked him further, 'How would it affect your party if we should crush the Rebels in this battle, and utterly destroy them?' 'We would probably lose votes by it.' 'How would it affect your party if we should be beaten?' 'It would probably help us in votes.'

"That, gentlemen, is the kind of support the army is receiving in what should be the house of its friends. That, gentlemen, is the kind of support these men are inclined to give this country and its army in this terrible struggle. I hasten to make honorable exceptions. I know there are honorable gentlemen on the other side who do not belong to that category, and I am proud to acknowledge them as my friends. I am sure they do not sympathize with these efforts, whose tendency is to pull down the fabric of our Government, by aiding their friends over the border to do it. Their friends, I say, for when the Ohio election was about coming off in the army at Chattanooga, there was more anxiety in the Rebel camp than in our own. The pickets had talked face to face, and made daily inquiries how the election in Ohio was going. And at midnight of the 13th of October, when the telegraphic news was flashed down to us, and it was announced to the army that the Union had sixty thousand majority in Ohio, there arose a shout from every tent along the line on that rainy midnight, which rent the skies with jubilees, and sent despair to the hearts of those who were 'waiting and watching across the border.' It told them that their colleagues, their sympathizers, their friends, I had almost said their emissaries at the North, had failed to sustain themselves in turning the tide against the Union and its army. And from that hour, but not till that hour, the army felt safe from the enemy behind it.

"Thanks to the 13th of October. It told thirteen of my colleagues that they had no constituencies!"

Beginning with another bit of personal experience, he traced the slow progress of legislation and practice regarding the negro:

"I can not forget that less than five years ago I received an order from my superior officer in the army, commanding me to search my camp for a fugitive slave, and, if found, to deliver him up to a Kentucky Captain, who claimed him as his property; and I had the honor to be, perhaps, the first officer in the army who peremptorily refused to obey such an order. We were then trying to save the Union without hurting slavery. I remember, sir, that when we undertook to agitate in the army the question of putting arms into the hands of the slaves, it was said, 'Such a step will be fatal; it will alienate half our army, and lose us Kentucky.' By and by, when our necessities were imperious, we ventured to let the negroes dig in the trenches, but it would not do to put muskets into their hands. We ventured to let a negro drive a mule team, but it would not do to have a white man or a mulatto just in front of him or behind him; all must be negroes in that train; you must not disgrace a white soldier by putting him in such company. 'By and by,' some one said, 'Rebel guerrillas may capture the mules; so, for the sake of the mules, let us put a few muskets in the wagons and let the negroes shoot the guerrillas if they come.' So for the sake of the mules we enlarged the limits of liberty a little. [Laughter.] By and by we allowed the negroes to build fortifications, and armed them to save the earthworks they had made-not to do justice to the negro, but to protect the earth he had thrown up. By and by we said in this hall that we would arm the negroes, but they must not be called soldiers, nor wear the national uniform, for that would degrade white soldiers. By and by we said, 'Let them wear the uniform, but they must not receive the pay of soldiers.' For six months we did not pay them enough to feed and clothe them; and their shattered regiments came home from South Carolina in debt to the Government for the clothes they wore. It took us two years to reach a point where we were willing to do the most meager justice to the black man, and to recognize the truth that,

'A man's a man for a' that.'".

On another occasion he arrested the passage of a resolution of thanks to General Thomas for the battle of Chickamauga; and in a few pregnant words protested against the unjust slur thereby sought to be cast upon General Rosecrans, and eulogized his old chief.

In the course of the debate on the proposition to override the New Jersey grant of a railroad monopoly between New York and Philadelphia to the Camden and Amboy Company, by giving United States sanction to another road, he disposed of the "State Sovereignty" pretense with arguments which have since become so familiar that few know to whom to assign their credit:

"Mr. Coleridge somewhere says that abstract definitions have done more harm in the world than plague and famine and war. I believe it. I believe that no man will ever be able to chronicle all the evils that have resulted to this nation from the abuse of the words 'sovereign' and 'sovereignty.' What is this thing called 'State sovereignty?' Nothing more false was ever uttered in the halls of legislation than that any State of this Union is sovereign. Consult the elementary text-books of law, and refresh your recollection of the definition of 'sovereignty.' Speaking of the sovereignty of nations, Blackstone says:

"However they began, by what right soever they subsist, there is and must be in all of them a supreme, irresistible, absolute, uncontrolled authority in which the jura summi imperii or rights of sovereignty reside.'

"Do these elements belong to any State of this Republic? Sovereignty has the right to declare war. Can New Jersey declare war? It has the right to conclude peace. Can New Jersey conclude peace? Sovereignty has the right to coin money. If the Legislature of New Jersey should authorize and command one of its citizens to coin a half-dollar, that man, if he made it, though it should be of solid silver, would be locked up in a felon's cell for the crime of counterfeiting the coin of the real sovereign. A sovereign has the right to make treaties with foreign nations. Has New Jersey the right to make treaties? Sovereignty is clothed with the right to regulate commerce with foreign states. New Jersey has no such right. Sovereignty has the right to put ships in commission upon the high seas. Should a ship set sail under the authority of New Jersey it would be seized as a smuggler, forfeited and sold. Sovereignty has a flag.

But, thank God, New Jersey has no flag; Ohio has no flag. No loyal State fights under the 'lone star,' the 'rattlesnake,' or the 'palmetto tree.' No loyal State of this Union has any flag but 'the banner of beauty and of glory,' the flag of the Union. These are the indispensable elements of sovereignty. New Jersey has not one of them. The term can not be applied to the separate States, save in a very limited and restricted sense, referring mainly to municipal and police regulations. The rights of the States should be jealously guarded and defended. But to claim that sovereignty in its full sense and meaning belongs to the States is nothing better than rankest Look again at this document of the Governor of New Jersey, He tells you that the STATES entered into the 'national compact!' National compact! I had supposed that no Governor of a loyal State would parade this dogma of nullification and secession which was killed and buried by Webster on the 16th of February, 1833.

treason.

"There was no such thing as a sovereign State making a compact called a Constitution. The very language of the Constitution is decisive: 'We, the people of the United States, do ordain and establish this Constitution.' The States did not make a compact to be broken when any one pleased, but the people ordained and established the Constitution of a sovereign Republic; and woe be to any corporation or State that raises its hand against the majesty and power of this great nation."

We might prolong such extracts indefinitely; but we have given enough to show what fruitage the life of the village carpenter and rural school-teacher is bearing. In August, 1866, he was renominated by acclamation, and his majority at the fall election again ranged above ten thousand. Through the contests of the Fortieth Congress with the President, he was firmly on the Radical side. His health had become seriously impaired by his laborious discharge of public duties, and about the close of the summer session of 1867, he accepted his physician's advice and sailed for Europe.

General Garfield's military career was not of a nature to subject him to trials on a large scale. He approved himself a good independent commander in the small operations in the Sandy Valley. His campaign there opened our series of successes in the West; and, though fought against superior forces, began with us the habit of victory. After that he was only a subordinate. But he always enjoyed the confidence of his immediate superiors, and of the DepartAs a Chief of Staff he was unrivalled. There, as elsewhere, he was ready to accept the gravest responsibilities in following his convictions. The bent of his mind was aggressive; his judgment of purely military matters was good; his papers on the Tullahoma campaign will stand a monument of his courage and his far-reaching, soldierly sagacity; and his conduct at Chickamauga will never be forgotten by a nation of brave men.

ment.

In political life he is bold, manly, and outspoken. He seems to care far more for the abstract justice of propositions, than for any prejudices his constituents may happen to entertain regarding them; and he has on several occasions been willing to espouse very unpopular measures, and act with very small minorities. He once recorded his vote, solitary and alone, against that of every other voting member of the House, on a call of the yeas and nays. But he is not factious; and, without ever surrendering his independence of judgment, he is still reckoned among the most trusty of the Radical majority.

Personally he is generous, warm-hearted, and genial. No man keeps up more cordial relations with his political antagonists-a trait of character in

which he is the exact opposite of his intimate friend, General Schenck-and no man has warmer or more numerous personal attachments. He retains the studious habits of his early life; and probably makes more exhaustive examination of subjects before the House than almost any other of its leading members. In comprehensive and critical scholarship no man of his age now in public life in the country can be compared with him; and, beyond Senator Sumner, he is probably without superiors. While in the army he used to carry the pocket editions of the Greek and Latin classics, for leisure reading, as other men would the latest novels. He is still poor; though he has probably been able to lay up a little out of his salary, and has made a little by some fortunate oil speculations, suggested by what he saw while in the army on the West Virginia border. He married in Hiram where he had taught school, and he still maintains his residence there.

In person Garfield is nearly or quite six feet high, with a broad chest, and somewhat heavily-moulded figure. His head is unusually large; and his round, German-looking face, seems the very mirror of good nature.

NOTE. At the first regular session of the Fortieth Congress General Garfield was transferred from the Ways and Means Committee back to that on Military Affairs, being made its Chairman in place of General Schenck, who was made Chairman of Ways and Means.

MAJOR-GENERAL WILLIAM B. HAZEN.

W

ILLIAM BABCOCK HAZEN was born at West Hartford, Wind

sor County, Vermout, on the 27th day of September, 1830. His father, Stillman Hazen, and his mother, Ferone Fenno, were of steady New England stock. Their ancestors resided at Litchfield, Connecticut, were present at Lexington and Bunker Hill, and served throughout the Revolution, Joseph Hazen attaining the rank of Colonel, and Moses Hazen that of Brigadier-General.

In 1833 Stillman Hazen removed to Huron, Portage County, Ohio, and settled upon the farm he now occupies, where he reared a family of six children, three sons and three daughters, the General being next to the youngest. All the children received a good common-school education. When nearly twenty-one years of age, William sought and obtained the appointment of Cadet at the Military Academy of West Point. He graduated in June, 1855, and was appointed Brevet Second-Lieutenant in the Fourth United States Infantry. In September of the same year he sailed for his regiment, then serving on the Pacific Coast.

Joining his company at Fort Reading, in the North Sacramento Valley, he moved in command of it one week afterward to the Ranger River country, in Southern Oregon, where the Indian war of that year was being waged with considerable energy. He served through that war; and during the year 1856 built Fort Yamhill. Having been appointed a Second-Lieutenant in the Eighth Infantry in the spring of 1856, he came East, and in the fall proceeded to Texas, finding his company at Fort Davis. During the two following years Lieutenant Hazen was engaged almost constantly on the plains of Western Texas and New Mexico, in punishing the marauding Indians, and was four times complimented in general orders, from the head-quarters of the army, for bravery and good conduct. On the 3d of November, 1859, while in a hand-to-hand combat with a Camanche Indian, during an engagement with a party of these warriors, he received a severe wound through the left hand and right side, the bullet still remaining in the muscles of the back. This occurred about eighty miles north west of Fort Inge, and it was eight days before he reached that post, or received any medical attention. On the 1st of February, 1860, having so far recovered from his wounds as to be able to travel, he left Texas, and, on his departure, was presented with a sword by the people of that State, accompanied with the most sincere expressions of gratitude for the services he had rendered on the frontier. In July, 1860, Lieutenant Hazen was brevetted a First-Lieutenant for gallant conduct in Texas, and on the 1st of April, 1861, was promoted to a