freedom and the rights of mankind, so far as they involve the liberty of our citizens, be speedily administered. We have a right to say, and do say, that mere suspicion without examination or trial, is not sufficient to justify the long imprisonment of a citizen of America. Other nations may permit their citizens to be thus imprisoned. Ours will not. And this in effect has been solemnly declared by statute.

"We have met here to-night to consider this subject and to inquire into the cause and the reasons and the justice of the imprisonment of certain of our fellow-citizens now held in British prisons without the semblance of a trial or legal examination. Our law declares that the government shall act in such cases. But the people are the creators of the government.

"The undaunted apostle of the Christian relig ion imprisoned and persecuted, appealing centuries ago to the Roman law and the rights of Roman citizenship, boldly demanded: "Is it lawful for you to scourge a man that is a Roman and uncondemned?"

"So, too, might we ask, appealing to the law of our land and the laws of civilization: 'Is it lawful that these our fellows be imprisoned who are American citizens and uncondemned?'

"I deem it an honor to be called upon to pre side at such a meeting, and I thank you for it What is your further pleasure?"

CHAPTER IV.

THE DEMOCRATIC CANVASS FOR GOVERNOR OF NEW

T

YORK IN 1882.

HE year 1882 was one of political reaction and surprising revolution. The death of Garfield, the succession of Ar

thur, the changes in Cabinet and policy, the withdrawal of Senators Conkling and Platt and their failure of re-election, and the defeat of the regular Republican caucus nominee for United States Senator in Pennsylvania, convulsed the politics of the two principal States of the Union. In the Empire and Keystone States the movements of leaders controlled the fortunes of the two great parties in whose councils these Commonwealths were supreme. Men were everywhere looking to the Gubernatorial contests of the year to shape the next Presidential campaign and to influence the control of the Federal Administration, perhaps, for many years to come.

In New York city and Brooklyn, where the contention of the Tammany Society and County Democracy had distracted their party for years past and led to its defeat in the Gubernatorial campaign of 1879, rival candidates were pre

sented in such well-known personages as Roswell P. Flower and General Henry W. Slocum. The former was recognized as having the favor of Tammany Hall; he had wealth, extended business reputation, and the experience of a term in Congress. General Slocum was one of the worthiest and most popular soldiers in the War for the Union, and had proved his eminent fitness for civil duties in Congress. They were pressed with a zeal that bid fair to lead to intense bitterness and possibly to disastrous dissension. Two influences operated to avert the threatened collision.

While the local pride of Buffalo was enlisted to promote to the Chief Magistracy of the State the Mayor who had served his city so well, and while his most ardent supporters there were found among the Republicans who had contributed to his municipal victory, the eyes of the coolheaded party managers at Albany had been turned to the "availability" of a candidate who had already exhibited, marked elements of political strength, and who was remote from the local distraction of the various halls and factions of the great cities of Eastern New York. Mr. Manning and others of the discreet and sagacious politicians who controlled the party organization fully satisfied themselves that in the Mayor of Buffalo were to be found qualities of successful leadership for the campaign then before the party. The del