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ever great those difficulties may be, I am persuaded you will meet them with a firm and intrepid step, resolved, so far as you are concerned, that

odious, by deterring the officers of the United States to forbear the execution of their functions, and by openly threatening their lives. And whereas, the endeavours of the wellaffected citizens, as well as of the executive officers, to conciliate a compliance with those laws, have failed of success, and certain persons in the County of Northampton, aforesaid, have been hardy enough to perpetrate certain acts, which, I am advised, amount to treason, being overt acts of levying war against the United States, the said persons, exceeding one hundred in number, and armed and arrayed in a warlike manner, having on the seventh day of the present month of March, proceeded to the house of Abraham Lovering, in the town of Bethlehem, and there compelled William Nicholas, Marshal of the United States, and for the District of Pennsylvania, to desist from the execution of certain legal processes in his hands to be executed, and having compelled to discharge and set at liberty, certain persons whom he had arrested by virtue of a criminal process, duly issued for offences against the United States, and having impeded and prevented the commissioners and assessors in conformity with the laws aforesaid, in the County of Northampton aforesaid, by threats of personal injury, from executing the said laws, avowing as the motive of these illegal and treasonable proceedings, an intention to prevent, by force of arms, the execution of the said laws, and to withstand by open violence the lawful authority of the government of the United States. And whereas, by the Constitution and laws of the United States, I am authorized, whenever the laws of the United States shall be opposed, or the execution thereof obstructed in any state, by combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or by powers vested in the Marshal, to call forth military force to suppress such combinations, and to cause the laws to be duly executed; and I have accordingly determined so to do, under the solemn conviction that the essential interests of the United States demand it. Wherefore I, John Adams, President of the United States, do hereby command all persons being insurgents as aforesaid, and all others whom it may concern, on or before Monday next, being the eighteenth day of this present month, to disperse and retire peaceably to their respective abodes: and I do, moreover, warn all persons whomsoever, against aiding, abetting or comforting the perpetrators of the aforesaid treasonable acts, and I do require all officers and others, good and faithful citizens according to their respective duties and the laws of the land, to exert their utmost endeavours to prevent and suppress such dangerous and unlawful proceedings.

In testimony whereof, I have caused the seal of the United States of America to be affixed to these presents, and signed the same with my hand. Done at the City of Philadelphia, the twelfth day of March, in the year of our Lord one thousand, seven hundred and ninety-nine, and of the Independence of the said United States of America the twenty-third. By the President,

TIMOTHY PICKERING, Secretary of State.

Philadelphia, Friday, March 22, 1799.

JOHN ADAMS.

War Department, March 20th, 1799. SIR-To suppress the insurrection now existing in the Counties of Northampton, Bucks and Montgomery, in the State of Pennsylvania, in opposition to the laws of the United States, the President has thought it necessary to employ a military force, to be composed in part of such of the militia of Pennsylvania, whose situation and state of preparation will enable them to march with promptitude. The corps of militia first desired on this occasion are the troops of cavalry, belonging to this city, and one troop from each of the Counties of Philadelphia, Bucks, Chester, Montgomery and Lancaster. These troops, I have the honour to request your excellency will order to hold themselves in readiness to march on or before the 28th instant, under the command of Brigadier-General Macpherson.

I have the honour to be, with the greatest respect, your excellency's most obedient and humble servant,

His Excellency, Gov. Thomas Mifflin.

The response was as follows:

JAMES MCHENRY.

SIR-The Secretary of War has this moment communicated to me the President's intention to employ a military force, in suppressing the insurrection now existing in the counties of Northampton, Bucks and Montgomery, with a request, that the troops of cavalry belonging to this city, and a troop from each of the counties of Philadelphia, Bucks, Chester, Montgomery and Lancaster, may be ordered to hold themselves in readiness to march, on or before the 28th inst., under the command of Brigadier General Macpherson.

You will, therefore, immediately issue general orders for complying with the President's

no dishonour or calamity (if any should await us) shall be ascribable to a weak or partial administration of justice.

request; and communicate by express, with the commanding officers of the several corps. As soon as the troops are ready to march, you will make your report to me; sending the returns of the officers, from time to time, as you receive them. I am, sir, your most obedient servant,

Philadelphia, March 20th, 1799. 3 o'clock P. M.

To PETER BAYNTON, Esq.

Adjt. General of the Militia of Pennsylvania.

THO. MIFFLIN.

The Legislature of the State being then in session, and having received the President's proclamation, under cover of a message from the Governor, put it in charge of a committee, who reported as follows:

The committee to whom was referred a message from the Governor respecting a procla mation of the President of the United States, announcing the combination to defeat the laws for the valuation of lands and dwelling-houses, which has existed in the counties of Northampton, Montgomery and Bucks,

REPORT,

That they have had the said message under their serious consideration, and find cause of deep regret, that combinations to defeat the laws of the United States, have a second time made their appearance in the State of Pennsylvania; that such combinations are repugnant not only to the pure principles of republicanism and the spirit of our Constitution, but also highly dishonourable to the character of a portion of the citizens of our State. That laws tending to lay the heaviest burthen on the most opulent part of the community, should be opposed by those on whom it operates lightest; proves that the opposition has arisen from ignorance, or the most dark and malignant designs.

Your committee cannot hesitate to express, with the most lively sensibility, their entire disapprobation of such unwarrantable conduct, tending to the dissolution of our government, and subversive of the principles of tranquillity and good order, and it is the duty of every good citizen to discountenance such treasonable combinations, yet, as the general government has sufficient power to compel obedience to the laws, and the Président has, in his procla mation, determined so to do in this instance, and has not thought the aid of the State necessary,

The Committee offer resolutions:

Resolved, That this House will, when required, co-operate with the general government, with alacrity and promptitude, to suppress unlawful and treasonable combinations to defeat the execution of the laws of the United States, but as no such co-operation is now required, this House consider their interference at present as wholly unnecessary,

A motion was made by Dr. Logan, and seconded by Mr. Eyre, to add the following resolution to the report of the committee.

Aurora (Friday), March 25th, 1799.

Resolved, That the Governor be, and is hereby requested to cause full and due inquiry into the causes of the said riots, and to make special report to this House, thereupon, and particularly of any circumstance which may be alleged or discovered, tending to show the origin of the same in the agency of foreign incendiaries, or the seditious views of domestic traitors.

On the question, Will the House agree to the said Resolution? The yeas and nays were as follows:

Yeas, 27. Nays, 45.

The following is a translation of a Manifesto in the German language, issued to the inhabitants of the Counties of Northampton, &c., by General Macpherson, the officer in command-which gives a general view of the object with which he was charged.

William Macpherson, Brigadier-General of the armies of the United States, Commander of the troops ordered to act against the insurgents of the Counties of Northampton, Montgomery, and Bucks, in the State of Pennsylvania :-To the People of the aforesaid Counties.

FELLOW CITIZENS:

Being ordered, by the President of the United States, to employ the troops under my command, or, according to circumstances, further military force, to procure submission to the laws of the United States, and to suppress and disperse all unlawful combinations which

If ever any people had reason to be thankful for a long and happy enjoyment of peace, liberty and safety, the people of these states

have there been made to obstruct the execution of the aforesaid laws, or any of them, by main force or power; I, therefore, have thought it proper to inform the people of the said counties, and all others whom it may concern, of the danger to which they expose themselves by combining in unlawful proceedings, or giving any assistance or encouragement to those who are concerned therein; and likewise to represent to them, how just it is to submit to the laws in general, but, particularly to those against which they have opposed them. selves in the most violent manner. It cannot be unknown to you, my fellow citizens, nor to any part of the people of the United States, that submission to the laws, constitutionally made, is absolutely necessary for the support of the government; and that in a republic, where laws are made by general consent, this consent must be manifested by the majority of such persons as have been appointed for that purpose by the people in general, according to the Constitution.

The whole mass of the people cannot meet together to make laws, as it is clear, in places where a debate takes place, there will always be a difference of opinion, and that, therefore, no decision can ever take place unless the voice of the majority prevails. The people of the United States were so well convinced of this truth at all times, that, since their first settlement in this country, they suffered themselves to become governed by assemblies, which they chose themselves to represent their persons; and, whenever it was necessary, they compelled by force of arms everybody to submit to the laws made by a majority in such assemblies. The Federal government is as well a government of the people, as freely chosen by them to represent them, and to make laws for their benefit, as the governments of the respective States. It was established and ordained by the people themselves, as is expressly declared by the Constitution, "To form a more perfect union, establishi justice, ensure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity." In order to obtain these great and desirable ends, for which the first articles of confederation were found to be altogether insufficient, they gave Congress several powers specified in the Constitution.

From the nature of the government, sometimes doubts may arise, and have already arisen, whether some of these powers authorize Congress to make certain laws; nevertheless; there is a regular and lawful manner to decide such questions when they occur, to which all good citizens should resort, and submit to them without reserve. But, in the present case, no such doubt has ever been entertained, nor can it take place; because, in the Constitution, it is expressly declared, Art. 1, § 8, "That Congress" shall have power "to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States." The Constitution giving this power to Congress, that body has to decide when and in what manner it shall be exercised, and this decision must be expressed by a majority; and when this is once expressed, it must be obeyed, or else the Constitution must fall, and with it, all good government, law and order, must be annihilated, and discord, civil war and anarchy must follow thereupon, where, without government, all things would be overturned and plunged into confusion. The act against which the present treasonable opposition is made, is that for laying and collecting a tax for the common defence and general welfare of the United States, therefore an act which Congress is expressly authorized by the people to make; yea, on the least considera ́tion, it is plain, that it is as necessary and equitable in itself, as agreeable to the Constitution, and even favourable to those people who now oppose the execution thereof. Nobody has denied, nor can anybody deny, that the United States, at the time the act was passed, was threatened with the resentment of a very powerful, very ambitious, and very revengeful nation, and are so yet. From what this resentment originated, or whether it might have been obviated by a different course of conduct, are only accidental questions. The main question is, whether we should submit to those humiliations which that nation has heaped upon us, and subscribe to the scandalous conditions demanded of us, or prepare ourselves for resistance and the defence of our rights, as it becomes a free, independent nation.

With respect to this question, which Congress was obliged to decide upon, according to its duty "To provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States," there was no difference of opinion, or at least, there was none declared. All agreed that we should not submit to what France proposed, but prepare for our defence in case she should attempt to carry them by force. The only question was, in what manner we should prepare, and how far these preparations were to go. Who were to decide this question? the majority or the minority? A majority, and a large majority of the people's Representatives, chosen by themselves according to the Constitution, made the decision, and resolved upon the manner of proceeding which has been observed. This manner of proceeding required money, and in order to obtain that a tax became necessary. If a different manner of proceeding had been adopted, money and the tax would nevertheless have been necessary;

surely have. While every other country almost has been convulsed with foreign or domestic war, and some of the finest countries on the

because it is impossible to defend the country in any way, or to make preparations for the defence thereof, without money. Even if there had been any base enough to propose a submission to the conditions of France, and the proposal had been agreed to, nevertheless, money and taxes would have been necessary; because France demanded of us before all things, the loan of many millions of dollars, and gave us to know that their further demands would be in proportion to our ability to pay. In order to raise this unlimited tribute, we should have been obliged to submit to much heavier taxes than Congress has now laid for our defence. They certainly afterwards pretended to give up this demand; but, after all, so doing was only the consequence of our resistance and our preparations, and these preparations had already rendered the tax necessary. In laying this tax, Congress paid the greatest attention to the situation and wants of the people, and distributed it in such a manner, that the burthen almost totally falls on the richer part, and the poorer class are greatly screened from the effects thereof. It is laid on lands, dwelling houses, and slaves; but as there are no slaves in this State, the whole tax falls upon the lands and dwelling houses. The lands are to be taxed exactly to their value, be the owner who he may, but the dwelling houses are appraised at a different rate. The poor man, whose house, out-houses, and lot, not exceeding two acres, are worth less than an hundred dollars, has nothing to pay; and if it were worth one hundred, the tax would be only twenty cents. According to the same rule, other houses of a higher value pay as follows:

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From which you will perceive, my fellow citizens, that the house-tax is according to the value of the house, at 20 cents to $100; but for houses from $500 to $1000 value, the tax rises for each $100, 30 cents; so that a house of the value of $600 will have to pay six times 30 cents, or $1 80 cents.

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At this rate, the rich man, with a house rated at $1000, has to pay three times as much of the tax as the poor man whose house is rated at one half that sum, viz., $500; and thus the tax operates progressively to the most costly houses and opulent people, until the value of their houses is taxed in proportion five times as high as those of their poorer fellow-citizens, whose houses are worth only from $100 to $500. A house worth $100 pays 20 cents, which is only the one fifth part of one per cent. of its value; a house worth $30,000 pays $300, which is one whole per cent. of its value, and consequently five times as much in proportion as the other.

Hereby, my fellow-citizens, you must be convinced that an opposition to this tax in our counties is not only contrary to the Constitution, the laws, and every principle of good govern ment, but in itself is inconsistent and ridiculous, as the tax which is opposed is the most easy on the poorer citizens, whom they irritate to opposition. Many of their houses, however, would have no tax to pay, and very few more than one dollar each, for very few of their houses will be rated at more than $500. It is true they will be subject to a land tax, but the tax on houses must first be deducted from the whole quota of the State, and what is then deficient will be laid upon the land. The houses in this State will probably pay the greatest part of the tax, perhaps the whole, and in that case no tax will be laid upon the land; and those whose houses are rated at less than $100, will be exempted from the tax. As a further proof of the attention of Congress to the wishes and accommodation of the people, they have, during the last session, repealed that part which required a statement of the windows of each dwelling-house, and which, as it afterwards appeared, was more disa greeable than necessary and useful. Therefore, no further account of the windows has been demanded. To ascertain the value of the lands and houses was a difficult matter, and connected with a great deal of expense; but when once done, need not be repeated. Great pains were taken, and the most effective measures employed, to select people of good character, who understood the business well, and whose interests were equally involved with their fellow citizens, to have the business accurately executed.

Besides, this act is not perpetual, being only for one year, and will not be continued, unless the public good demands it, and not otherwise than with the consent of the people through their representatives; as for those who have in so treasonable a manner opposed the execu

globe have been the scene of every species of vice and disorder, where no life was safe, no property was secure, no innocence had protection,

tion of such lawful, necessary, and, for that part of the citizens who were the least able to pay taxes, indulgent law, there can therefore be no excuse; the bad consequences which they draw upon themselves by their criminal conduct, they cannot impute but to their own blindness, obstinacy and malice. On the contrary, every necessary step will and must be taken to bring them, and all others who have aided and abetted them, to submission, and trial by due course of law, in order that their punishment may serve as an example to others, and prevent the like crimes in future. The necessity of employing arms against a number of our fellow-citizens is painful, but the consequences must be imputed to those whose traitorous conduct has produced the present disturbances, and not to government, who, according to their most sacred duties, are obliged to maintain order and enforce obedience to the laws.

But all those who return quietly to their homes, and abstain from any participation in these unlawful acts, either through open aid or secret abetting, counsel, or information, shall obtain the utmost protection to their persons and property.

Every precaution shall be taken that the march of the troops shall not be troublesome to the citizens; all subsistence shall be punctually paid for, and the strictest discipline observed. Let me, therefore, my fellow-citizens, warn and entreat you, as you love your country, and estimate the happiness concomitant of liberty, order and peace; as you wish to avoid the necessity of human bloodshed, which is as much repugnant to my wishes, as to those of the President; as you abhor the horrors of a civil war, and the crimes and punishments of traitors, let me conjure you to shut your ears against the counsels of those malicious persons who would lead you to destruction, in order to satisfy their ambition, while they screen themselves from the punishment due to their crimes; who try to seduce you to take up arms against the laws and government of your country, and to involve yourselves in a contest as hopeless as it is criminal, against the whole power of the United States; who speak to you of peace and liberty, while they are kindling civil war; who complain of expenses, while they are forcing the government to augment them, in order to suppress sedition and revolt; and who plume themselves upon being republicans, while transgressing the most essential principles of republican government; to wit, obedience to the laws made by the deci sion of the majority.

Therefore I forewarn you not to aid or abet those violaters of the law in any manner, so that you may avoid a participation of their crimes, and the consequent punishment. Given under my hand and seal, at head quarters, April 6th, 1799.

WM. MACPHERSON. By order of the Governor.

JONATHAN WILLIAMS, Aid de Camp.

This manifest was accompanied with a letter from the Rev. Mr. Helmuth, a Lutheran minister of Philadelphia, conspicuous for his piety and zeal.

To the people of Northampton County:

Friends and Brethren in the Faith: Excuse my addressing these lines to you; where there is fire, everybody is bound to extinguish it, and the clergyman is no more to be blamed for lending his aid than any other citizen. I am depressed with anxiety on your account. I know the consequences of conduct like yours; many of you will doubtless be apprehended and confined, some perhaps will pay the forfeit with their lives. You know it is the duty of the clergy of the city to warn such miserable persons, and prepare them as much as in their power for the awful change; my heart was much oppressed.

I thought, alas! perhaps the same circumstances as those of 1794 will again occur; perhaps other thoughtless people will fall into the same wretched situation, because they were igno rant, and were deluded, and what would be your feelings if you had to witness their sorrow and anguish, their agonies of death? You should have warned the miserable creature; he would then perhaps have been saved; but you neglected to warn him, and are, therefore, responsible for the destruction of him and his. Such were the melancholy reflections that induced me to write you these few lines.

I trust that you will think, when you read this, as you may in all truth: This man is sin. cere in his wishes for our welfare-why then should we think it improper in him to send us this advice? If he even should now and then say some things that are not perfectly agreeable to us, we will still take it in good part, for perhaps he is in the right, perhaps we have been deluded, we may have been deceived: If such be your thoughts, you will soon find them perfectly correct.

You have hitherto entitled yourselves to the character of industrious and religious citizens of the Union, and most of the Germans still deserve that praise; but, sorrowful to relate, you have suffered yourselves to be spurred on to the most abominable injustice, to actual rebellion against the government you yourselves have chosen. How happy it is that your num

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