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her young companions, but for decorations of the statue of the Virgin, or other saintly personages. As Jeanne advanced in years, a change seems to have taken place in her tastes and habits. She began to take pleasure in the sight and management of horses, in laborious exercises, in the traditions of the evils which had befallen the country, and the struggles of its children. She became strongly excited by those relations. She had frequent visions, and those things may have influenced the destiny of Jeanne d'Arc."-Vol. 2, p. 20.

When asked by her judges what motive had induced her to abandon her home and domestic duties for the camp of soldiers, and a life so foreign to her habits and unsuited to her sex, she had only a few words for an answer: "La pitié qu'il y avoit au royaume de France." On another occasion, she gave expression to the extent and power of her suffering patriotism in the following words: "Je n'ai jamais vu sang de François que mes cheveux ne levassant."

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We will, however, recur to one or two of those visions which Joan pretended to see, or, probably, under a mental derangement easily explicable to the physiologist, did really see in her mind's eye. It pears that there was an o'd tradition of prophetic nature prevalent in France, in the time even of the childhood of "La belle et la brave fille," that a maiden should come out of Lorraine, by whose heroic deeds France was to be saved from ruin. Domremy, also, had its legends and traditions, and among its inhabitants a child of a highly sensitive temperament, and an imagination highly poetical, upon whom such prophetic teachings were not likely to be lost. By her own confessions, we are informed that, from the age of thirteen or fourteen, Jeanne d'Arc was subject to frequent hallucinations of the organs of sight, hearing, and smell. Luminous trains of surpassing brilliancy, and visions of angels, were seen by her at noonday. Strange voices were heard by her when she imagined she was quite alone; and fragrant odors, like incense, were perceived by her when some of her spiritual visitors made their appearance. She had communication and counsels in this manner with angels-visits from the archangel Michael, the angel Gabriel, St. Cathrine, and St. Marguerite. She had reached, by her own account, her thirteenth year, when she heard, for the first time, the voice ("la voix") which an

nounced to her that France should be saved by her.

"The first vision of Jeanne d'Arc, we are informed, occurred in the spring of 1425, about mid-day, in her father's garden, on the eve of a festival. The church was close to that part of the garden where she was, and in the direction of it she perceived, all of a sudden, a most brilliant dazzling light, and while she stood gazing with terror on this bright light, she heard a voice saying to her, Jeanne, sois bonne et sage enfant; va souvent à l'église ;' and at the sound of this voice she was greatly frightened. Many days had not elapsed before she had another vision; the brilliant light was again seen, but in the midst of it she perceived figures of a noble appearance. One of these bad wings, and seemed to be an angel, but his form and mien were those of a prud'homme. And this angelic personage said to her: Jeanne, va au secours du Roi de France, et tu lui rendras son royaume.' She answered, all tremblingly : Messire, je ne suis qu'une pauvre fille; je ne saurais chevaucher, ni conduire les hommes d'armes.' The voice (la voix') said to her: Tu iras trouver M. de Baudricour, Capitaine de Vancouleurs, et il te fera mener au roi. Sainte Catherine et Saint Marguerite viendront t'assister.' The brightness passed away, the voice ceased to be heard, the poor girl remained some time stupefied with amazement, and burst the Archangel, with the flaming sword, who out crying. The prud'homme was St. Michael, battled with the devil and his angels. The same celestial visitor again appeared to her, found her spirit-troubled and dejected, and spoke to her, and encouraged her: 'Et lui raconta la pitié qui estoit au royaume de France.' The visions from this time became of more saints adorned with crowns, appeared to her, frequent occurrence. Figures all in white, and spoke with voices so sweet and full of tenderness that they could not be heard without weeping. But when they took their departure she wept still more, and she wished with all her heart they had carried her away with them. At other times she felt ashamed in their presence. Her manner of speaking of the saints is remarkable. In some of her responses, when under examination, she called them 'ses frères du Paradis.' In general she spoke of them as her voices ('ses voix.')"—Vol. 2, p. 30.

We can not indulge in further extracts, or in pursuing the career of this noble, but unfortunate maiden, through the paths of glory and victory, to the gates of her prison, or within view of her funeral pyre. We have coupled her with another visionary, and have spoken freely and frankly of their hallucinations. These are phenomena easily to be credited and explained now, though in former times, and till within a few years of our own

day, they were either denied to have occurred, or attributed to some evil and mysterious cause. We should have been happy to make further reference to Mr. Madden's two volumes and touched upon the really interesting chapters on Swedenborg, Maniacal Epidemics, the Flagellation Mania, the Convulsive Chorea, as well as what is termed Theomania. It is only fair to remark that Mr. Madden has collected in these volumes a large and varied mass of information on the subject

of mental disease and excitation. We could wish, however, that the matter had been arranged more commodiously, and that the work had indicated a greater faculty in our author for order and symmetry. The subject is specially interest ing at the present moment, when electrobiology, clairvoyance, and spirit-rapping among the learned experimentals, and witchcraft and magic amongst the ig norant and superstitious, find unqualified acceptance.

From Colburn's New Monthly Magazine.

KING SWORD

AND

As the Memoirs of the Duke of Ragu-| sa, which have afforded so curious an insight into the condition of France, military and political, during the last fifty years, are drawing to their close, they are arousing a vast amount of acrimony and ill-will in Paris. This was naturally to be expected, for the last portion of the Memoirs refers to statesman and warriors, some of whom are still left on the scene, or whose death has been so recent that they still live in the memory of their contemporaries. Hence, too, considerable hesitation has been evinced by the editor: originally he designed that the Memoirs should terminate with the overthrow of Charles X.; but fortunately he has altered his mind, and brought them down to the year 1841. The history of two such reigns requires hardly any commentary: it has been already verified by succeeding events, and the Bourbons, true to their character of learning nothing and forgetting nothing, paved the way for that happier state of things which can alone secure the prosperity and welfare of France.

“Mémoires du Maréchal Marmont." Vols. 8 and

9. Paris: Perratin.

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In truth, the French were magnanimous in the extreme: they allowed Charles X. the greatest latitude; and even when the pressure grew intolerable, they urged him to concessions which might have secured the throne for his family; and when at length they rose in self-defense, their treatment of the bigoted king was marked with a degree of moderation, which may probably be ascribed to the contempt they felt. The reign of Charles X. commenced under the most flattering auspices, and his abolition of the censorship put the crown on his popularity. But a false step soon changed the current of public opinion. The king had said to the general officers who followed Louis XVIII. on foot to the tomb: "You accompanied my brother's remains on foot; henceforth you will be near my person on horseback." A few days later thep were dismissed on half-pay. It is supposed that this ungracious step was insisted upon by M. de Villèle, who was jealous of the popularity the king had acquired with the army, and wished to show that the power was in himself alone. The clergy, too, soon did their share in estranging the public mind:

1857.]

KING SWORD AND KING PEN.

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"I must confess that the intriguing movements | whole world was aware. But as regards of the French clergy were perceptible every the praises he bestows on Russia, we are where. Now, if the French nation is religious bound to be silent; for the French emand disposed to render to the priests all that is bassador evidently succumbed to that rare We may make their due in the interests of morality and religion, the priests become an object of antipathy fascination which is the specialty of the to them as soon as they interfere in secular Russian reigning house. matters and yet, among us, it is a mania of room, however, for one anecdote referring theirs to do so. They were found in the to the present emperor: provinces to be intriguants, and insubordinate toward their superiors; and, at court, seizing every opportunity to interfere in the highest Whatever lengths they political questions. might go to, they were always sure of impunity. A mandate of the Cardinal de Croï, Chaplaingeneral of the Army, and Archbishop of Rouen, an honest man, but passive instrument of the intriguers by whom he was surrounded, caused intense excitement. In this extravagant publication he seized the civil authority, and upset all the laws which governed the kingdom. This, however, produced no unpleasant results, so far as he was concerned. Prince Metternich, who was then at Paris, said to me: 'At Vienna, a priest, for such conduct, would have been stripped of his office and sent to a seminary.' But Cardinal De Croï did not even receive a reThis mode of action, so primand from royalty. terrible in its effects, was felt everywhere, even in the army. The chaplains of divisions had too great authority conceded them, which humiliated the officers. They made regular reports to the chaplain-general. They sent notes about the conduct of the officers, and the minister of war frequently gave appointments in accordance with them. More than once the chaplain-general overthrew the labors of the inspectors. In what country could such a system possibly succeed?"

The death of the Emperor Alexander
secured Marmont the embassy to Russia,
to which country he proceeded, with a
magnificent retinue, in February, 1826.
On the road, he stopped at Berlin, to pay
a visit to the king. He speaks in high
terms of all the military arrangements of
the Prussians, and the simplicity which
characterized the court. Among other
sights, he visited the arsenal, which was
decorated with an immense number of
captured French flags. He consoled him
self, however, on closer examination, by
finding that these flags had belonged to
the French regiments before the eagles
were given in exchange. They had been
found in a store during the occupation of
Paris. There was also a large quantity
of flags belonging to the Garde Nationale;
and, as Marmont justly says, all these
flags, collected with such care and dis-
played with such pride to the ignorant,
only attested the entrance of foreign ar-
mies into France and Paris, of which the
VOL. XLII.-NO. I.

"I witnessed with admiration the education
given by Nicholas to his son, a charming prince
of rare beauty, and in whom time will doubtless
develop great qualities. I asked the Emperor
to allow me to be presented to him, and he re-
plied: You want to turn his head. It would
be a fine motive of pride for the little fellow, if
he were to receive the homage of a general who
has commanded armies. I am much affected by
your wish to see him, and you can satisfy it
when you go to Zarsko Zelo. You will have an
opportunity to meet my children. You will ex-
amine them, and talk with them; but a formal
introduction would be unsuitable. I wish to
make a man of my son before I make a prince of
him.' The entire staff of this heir to a great
empire consisted of a lieutenant-colonel, his
governor, and the masters engaged in his educa-
tion. More than once, the emperor, on hearing
the details of the education of the Duke of Bor-
deaux, lamented with me the ridiculous pomp
which surrounded that prince from his birth."

The coronation at Moscow was accom-
panied by an event of great importance-
the unexpected arrival of Constantine, who
had long declined being present. Even
for that sanguinary tyrant Marmont can
find words of apology-almost of praise.
The only thing that can be justly said in
his favor is, that he was sensible of his
own defects, and therefore resigned the
throne; but beyond that our sympathies
with the butcher of Warsaw can not go.
For the Emperor Nicholas, the effects of
his visit were incalculable; for the Rus-
sians are great sticklers for the hereditary
right of kings, and they could not quite
comprehend the escamotage which had
taken place. Constantine's presence at
the coronation showed the legitimacy of
the succession, and every murmur was
hushed. After the coronation festivities
were over, Marmont had the distinguished
honour of dining en famille with the em-
peror, who added to the honor of the
invitation by the remark: "I have asked
you to a dinner without ceremony; you
will dine with Madame de Nicholas."
With the dessert entered the heir-appar-
ent, who went through his exercise as a
private in the presence of the guests.
Who can doubt but that Nicholas had

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thenceforward one stanch partisan the more at the court of France. It is, in truth, surprising at what a cheap rate monarchs can purchase friendship. After leaving Moscow, Marmont spent some days with Constantine at Warsaw. The grand duke, he tells us, was not a great general, for he was deficient in one of the most indispensable qualities. He also takes occasion of this visit to give us his views of the Russian army. The only noteworthy paragragh, as applying to recent events, is the following:

men.

"To prove the indispensable slowness of recruiting in the Russian army, I will mention a recent fact. At the period when I quitted Russia, the army was at such a strength that, after deducting the troops in Asia, Finland, and the home garrisons, there were 300,000 men in readiness to be concentrated on any point, in addition to the army of Poland and the Cossacks. The two Turkish campaigns carried off by illness, plagues, etc., and the enemy's fire, 200,000 This estimate may appear exaggerated, but it was made by Prince Woronzoff, one of the most celebrated Russian generals, whose assertion is an authority for me. The state of Europe not being alarming, the authorities did not hasten to fill up their places. When the Polish insurrection broke out, in 1830, scarce 120,000 men could be collected. During that war, which lasted nine months, the utmost strength concentrated did not exceed 150,000 men, which prolonged the contest. The great strength of the Russian army, in 1826, resulted from the levies extraordinary of 1812 and 1813, which were only disposable in 1815, and were kept up by peace having endured since that period."

The embassy to Russia, although flattering to Marmont's pride, was his ruin in a financial point of view. During his absence, his affairs fell into such a state of confusion, that he was forced to sell up every thing to satisfy his creditors, and only reserved to his own use five hundred a year. The king lent him £20,000 in his hour of need; but the revolution of July finally stripped him of all the hopes he had entertained of being able to rescue his paternal property. A prospect was held out to him of the supreme command of the expedition to Algiers, but this he was eventually juggled out of by the minister But these personal matters need not detain us; events were daily occurring in Paris which presaged the impending storm, the most important of which was the dissolution of the National Guard. On Louis XVIII.'s return to France, he

of war.

had decided that the National Guard
should perform the service at the palace
on the 3d of May, being the anniversary
of his entrance into Paris. This was
kept up by Charles X., who, however, al-
tered the day to the 12th day of April,
the anniversary of his entry in 1814. It
was also the custom to have a grand re-
view of the National Guard on this occa-
sion. Things went on quietly till 1827,
when the populace began to grow dis-
satisfied, and the king was inclined to de-
fer the review sine die, but was over-per-
suaded by the Duke of Reggio,
The absolutist
commandant of the force.
party did all in their power to exacerbate
the people, and spread rumors that the
king's life would be endangered at this re-
view. The troops were consigned to
their barracks, and cartridges issued to
them. On the appointed day, 50,000 men
of the Garde Nationale assembled on the
Champ de Mars. Things went on very
quietly, the only exceptions being, that in
three of the legions the cry of" Vive le
Roi!" was accompanied by others of
"Down with the Ministers!" "Down
with Villèle!" and isolated shouts of
"Down with the Jesuits!" After the
troops had marched past, the Duke of
Reggio went up to the king to receive his
orders. Charles X. replied to him, in our
author's hearing: "M. le Maréchal, you
will issue a general order, in which you
will inform the National Guard of my sa-
tisfaction with the number and excellent
appearance of those present at the review,
as well as the sentiments expressed on my
behalf, while adding my regret that a few
cries which it pains me to hear were
mixed with them."

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"The king set out for the Tuileries. On arriving there and dismounting, he took leave of us at the foot of the staircase. He came up to me and said, with that air of bonhomie peculiar to him, 'Come, there were more good than bad.' I immediately replied, Why, more than seven eighths were good.' Such was the king's temwhen he returned home; but the legion of the Chaussée d'Antin, the same which had uttered hostile cries, while passing under the windows of the Minister of Finance, set up one hoarse shout of 'Down with Villèle !' minister was dining with M. Appony, the Austrian embassador, and was immediately informed of the insult. In this fury he quitted the table and went to the Tuileries, where he induced the king to order the dissolution of the National Guard. The men on duty were dismissed hurriedly and disgracefully in the middle of the

The

1

night, without having even been relieved from other hand, his resolution is unchangeable, their posts."

This extraordinary event had an immense influence on the destiny of France. After insulting and offending a vain body of men, they were sent home without being disarmed, and were converted into the most bitter enemies of the king. To add to the general dissatisfaction, the censorship was restored, and Charles X. plainly evinced the sentiments by which he was led by visiting the camp of St. Omer. He was so well received that he gave way to some slight feelings of absolutism, and even said to the Duke of Mortemart, after a review: "With those brave fellows a king might make himself obeyed, and the progress of government be greatly facilitated." To this the duke drily responded, that "the king would be unable to dismount, and he was already fatigued." But, while paving the way in this royal fashion for despotism, the king yielded to public opinion by dismissing Villèle, and choosing a ministry from among the liberal elements. This step restored the affections of the people for a while; but it was soon seen that his confidence was given to the exponents of diametrically opposite principles. The ministry was placed in an equivocal position; for it had to combat the royal influence, which was exerted to thwart their progress. After various changes from bad to worse, Polignac was placed at the head of affairs, and the overthrow of the monarchy was consummated.

On Sunday, the 25th of July, the fatal ordinances were issued, although Polignac had given his word on the night of Saturday to Pozzo di Borgo, the Russian embassador, that no coup d'état would be accomplished. Owing to the agitation prevailing in Paris, Charles ordered Marmont to assume the command, and thus his downfall was rendered a certainty. The old saying about Quos Deus must be true, or else the king would have remembered how Marmont behaved on a prior occasion, when intrusted with the command at Paris. After the Duke of Ragusa, the Dauphin most precipitated

matters:

"The spectacle presented by the royal family on my arrival at St. Cloud was not very reassuring. Every one is acquainted with the range of the Dauphin's mind. It has not the capacity to combine two ideas; but, on the

though the absurdity is, that this absolute decision, which no reasoning can change, is, in nine cases out of ten, the result of accident. Thus it is impossible to arrange any thing satisfactory with him. His share in the power, was medy being applied to the immense difficulties therefore, fatal. He prevented any effective reof the moment. King Charles X. was distinguished for gentleness and kindness. He knew that nature, in gifting him with those qualities which made him loved, had not endowed him with the eminent capacity to master and subjugate the situation. His heart was easily least momentarily. moved, and his mind could be worked upon, at The action might be fugitive, but it could be renewed. In addition, he remained under the influence of the opinions of his youth. I could recount a thousand instances which would recall the Prince of Goblentz in all its purity; still there was considerable straightforwardness about him. All these qualities, had they been opportunely embut their effect was destroyed by the harshness ployed, might have saved both himself and us, and savage pride of his son."

Until the 28th, matters remained tolerably quiet in Paris, but then the people began to rise. Collisions took place between them and the troops, and Marmont's best resource was to send off messengers to the king, informing him of the state of things. By three in the afternoon it became evident that the whole population was up in arms against the Bourbons, and Marmont proposed concessions. A deputation of five notables waited upon him. After a consultation he decided on sending a statement of their grievances to the king. This was of no effect, for Polignac still kept Charles in the dark as to the true state of things, and entertained the opinion that the revolution must be put down by force. Marmont, who must have borne in mind the 13th Vendémiaire, had not, however, the courage to indorse such views, and allowed the popular party to strengthen their hands by his temporizing policy. As for any attempted reconciliation with the Parisians when their blood is once roused, the events of 1848 have amply demonstrated the fallacy of such measures. The king, who in this matter was far-sighted, consequently replied to Marmont's appeal by ordering him to keep his troops together, and lowed them to be cut off in detachments, operate in masses. Instead of this, he aland when he saw the absolute necessity of concentration, the consequence of his delay cost a heavy loss of life. At the same

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