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•' dav) for God's fake let me, faid the king; shall I f

"shall I? then lolled about his neck; then for God's

"fake give thy lady this kiss for me: in the fame

"manner at the stairs-head, at the middle of the stairs,

** and at the stairs-foot (b)." The fame writer observes, ,« w'idon

that" he was not very uxorious, for he was ever best p. 95.

"when farthest from his queen (/)•" And in another (oid.p.168.

place he fays," that James naturally hated women (d)." M P- "5

Peyton writes, that " James was more addicted to love

"males than semales; and that though for compli

'' ment he visited queen Anne, yet he never lodged

"with her a night for many years (e)." The sol- (e) Peyton'*

lowing fatyr, faid to be left on his cupboard, will shew divine "•

us the sense those times had of this matter. ustrophe,

p. 14.

'Aula prophana, religione vana,

Spreta uxore, Ganymedis amore,
Lege sublata, prerogativa inflata.
Tolle libertatem, incende civitatem,
Ducas spadonem'

&
Superasti Neronem (/). (/) The

Nonesuch

I know not well the authority of the book from which ^"^'cr^h I quote these lines; 'tis very bitter against the Stuart P. i7.i:mo. race, and written with great partiality. I am informed Lotli- l6S1' by a learned friend, that 'tis thought to be written by the above-cited Peyton: But I am of a different opinion. Peyton's divine catajlrophe, tho' partial enough, has many true passages in it; but the Nonesuch Charles seems chiefly invention, in order to blacken and defame. Besides, such was the zeal of Peyton against Charles and his house, that I fancy he would have thought it a merit to have been the author of any work tending to its disgrace, and therefore have set his name to it; for he who had been afraid of after-resentment, would never have publickly owned the divine catastrophe. Add to . this, that Wood, in reckoning up Peyton's writings, Atheræ mentions nothing of this piece, which if it had been Oxonienses, his 'tis difficult to account for (g). However, as the J0^ u- cinsinuation in this fatyr is supported by other authorities, Lond.Vyi*. F $ 'lisFolic^

'us of little importance whether the author who gives it

us be of any great account, or no.-—Let us now return

to our subject.——The authors above quoted may be

deemed by some not quite so favourable to the character

of "James as Could bewished, and therefore not so much

. to be relied on. But what shall we fay to Clarendon,

who owns, that the " first introduction of George

"ViUiers into favour, was purely from the handsome

(i)Ciaren- "ness of his person (*): and that the king's natural

don, Vol. l. * ' disposition was very flowing in affection towards per

P'9» 10- '' fons f0 adorned." Dr. Birch observes of this fame

ViUiers, that <u he had scarce any other advantages to

"recommend him to his majesty, than those of a most

'' gracesul person. Upon what terms of familiarity,

"adds he, he was with his royal master is evident,

"not much to the honour of either of them, from two

'*. volumes of original letters which passed between

fe them, still extant in the Harleian library^ sull of the

*' obscenest expressions in our language, and such as

"Dr. Welwood, who has given some extracts from

'' those letters, fays, might make a bawd to blujh to re

'' peat. So impure a correspondence is an amazing in

"consistency with those theological and devotional tracts

"which the king gave the world with so much pomp

"among his works, and which he caused to be trans-'

. " lated into and published in both the Latin and French

{;) Birch's * ' tongues (;')."

view of the That the reader may have as much light as possible in

negotiations, . . I .,, Jr ., T* TTS , r, f

&cp, 384, this matter, 1 will transcribe Dr. fvelwooas account or - the letters which passed between James and Buckingham, to which Dr. Birch resers. "The letters, fays "he, which passed between the king and Buckingham., "are wrote in a peculiar stile of familiarity, the king "for the most part calling him his dear child and gojfip, "and his dear child and goj/ip Steiny; and subscribing "him his dear dad andgoffip, and sometimes his dear "dad and Stuart; and once, when he sends him par"tridges, his dear dad and purveyor. Buckingham calls f the king, for the most part, dear dad andgojjip, and "sometimes, dear dad, gojsip, and Stuart; and sub

** scribes

'*' scribes always, your majesty s most humble slave and

"dog, Steiny.

"Not to blot these papers with the bawdy that is in

"some of these letters ot king James, I shall only ob

'f serve, that such was the familiarity and friendship

"between him and Buckingham, that in one of them he

f* tells Buckingham, he wean Steiny*s fiSiure under his

*' vmijlcoat, next his heart; and in another, he bids

** him, his only sweet and d^r child, hasten to him to

"Birely that night, that his white teeth might Jhivc upon

"him. But the reader may better judge of the rest of

cc k'ng Jomes's familiar letters to the duke of Bucking

"ham, by the following short one, which runs thus

M verbatim, and is without date.

"My only sweet and dear child, "Blessing, blessing, blessing on thy heart's roots, and "all thine, this Thursday morning. Here is great store f of game as they fay, partridges and stoncorleurs: I "know who shall get their part of them; and here is *' the sinest company of young hounds that ever was . *' seen. God bless the sweet master of my harriers, f that made them to be so well kept all summer; I '' mean Tom Badger. I assure myself thou wilt punc*' tually observe the dyet and journey I set thee down '' in my first letter from Theobald's. God bless thee, *' and my sweet Kate, and Mall, to the comfort of f* thy

*' dear Dad,

* ' James R.

"P. S. Let my last compliment settle to thy heart, f til) we have a sweet and comfortable meeting, which *' God send, and give thee grace to bid the drogues "adieu this day.

"Now the reason why James gave Buckingham the (i) Com'' name of Steiny, was for his handsomeness, it being Pleat history ** the diminutive of St. Stephen, who is always painted Vol.n.'p.' \\ with a glory about his face (k)." 697. Folio.

• . Lond. J706.

mon conversation (11) and stuck not, on

occasion,

I have now given my authorities for the assertion in the text, the inference I leave to the reader, being unwilling to fay more on a subject so difagreeable to the ears of the chaste and virtuous. I have added nothing, nor suppressed any thing; and therefore, as a meer relator, am liable, I think, to no censure. Had I met with any thing favourable to James in this matter, I would have declared it with great pleafufe; but I cannot al- , low myself to invent, in order to vindicate.

(n) He used cursing and swearing.] Here follow

my proofs. *l He would make a great deal too bold

*' with God in his passion, both in'cursing and swear►" ing, and one strain higher, verging on blasphemy;

i "but would in his better temper fay, he hoped God

"would not impute them as sins, and lay them to his

(a) Weldoiy" charge, feeing they proceeded from passion. («)."

f.172. An excellent reason this! and an admirable excuse for an acknowledged crime. James, weak ae he was, would haVe seen the folly of this plea in others, and would have censured them for making use of it. But any thing will serve for an excuse to those who chuse to do as they have been accustomed, and will not be at the pains to reform That James was a swearer, appears from Lord.Clarendon, who fays " he renounced "with many oaths the having communicated the prince's

fiJCtaren- "journey into Spain (/>)." Oaths are highly indecent

*°"'6Vo1, 'in princes: they are greatly impolitic also, as lessening;

the regard which ought to be payed unto them in courts of judicature, and leading thereby to perjury. Princes therefore should shew the greatest reverence to oaths, in order thereby to keep up their facredness, and secure the truth and sidelity of their subjects. Those of them who will not thus behave, pay generally very dear for their liberty; for their servants and subjects taking example by them, run into the fame excess, whereby they receive the greatest damage. So that interest alone, if

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occasion, to utter the most bitter- imprecations (kk) on himself, and on his posterity.

And.

well understood and considered, will, engage those who bear rule, to set before men good examples, and abstain from the appearance of evil; and such of them as are not induced hereunto by a sense of it, have no great reason to boast of their understanding.

(kk) He stuck not to utter the most bitter imprecations on himself, and on his posterity.] When the trial of the murtherers of Sir Thomas Overbury was going forwards, the king went from Whitehall ^Theobald's, and so to Roy/Ion, and having sent for all the judges, he kneeled down in the midst of his lords and servants, and used these words to the judges. "My lords, I charge '' you, as you will answer it at that great and dreadsul '* day of judgment, that you examine it [thepoisoning "of Overbury'] strictly without favour, affection, or *^ partiality ; and if you spare any guilty of this crime, *' God's curse light upon you and your posterity; and *'. if I spare any that are found guilty, God's curse "light on me and my posterity for ever (a)." And in (<0 Weldon, the second year of his reign" several lords having de-p,93' *' clared in the star-chamber, that some of the puri*' ritans had raised a false rumour of the king, how he "intended to grant a toleration to papists; the lords "severally declared, how the king was discontented "with the laid false rumour, and had made but the "day before a protestation unto them, that he never 'c intended it, and that he would spend the last drop of "his blood before he would do it; and prayed, that *t before any of his issue should maintain any other re"ligion than what hetruly prosessed and maintained,that ** God would take them out of the world (b)." Theses*) Croke't are deep and horrible imprecations, and enough to makereport9' part a man tremble to think on the profaneness of the mouth Lond.Ji68i. .that could utter them; especially when it is known Fulio. (ihat notwithstanding there were fa many witnesses to

thefe

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