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dependence those provinces before had on the English crown. Nor did the cruelties exercised

letters, which I have read between Sir Dudley Carleton, who went over ambassador to/ Holland, in March 1615-16, and the two secretaries of state, Sir Ralph Winwood, and Sir Thomas I^ake. The former, Sir Ralph. Winwood, in his letters from Whitehall to the embasfador, of the 10th of April 1616, mentions, that the lords had delivered their resolutions to the king, that if. was more for his majesty's service upon honourable conditions, to render up the towns, than still to retain them ; and that his majesty had taken some days to advise of it. Sir Dudlev Carleton in his letter to Sir Rich, Winwood from the Hdgue, of May 3d, complains, that a matter of that great consequence (tho' '< it had, fays "he, the beginning, before my coming hither, yet t* since my arrival, hath had some subject of further "treaty) is altogether managed by the minister of this "state, (Sir Noel CaronJ resident with his majesty, *f without my having any hand therein." The king's commission to the lords to treat with Sir Noel Caron concerning the surrender of the cautionary towns, is dated May 21, 1616, and that to Sir Horace Vere, to deliver up the Brill, on the 22d.—Sir R. Winwood, in a letter to Sir Dudley, from Greenwich, on the 23d of May, gives him a particular relation of the proceedings in this treaty, that some years before, during riis employment in Holland, Sir Noel Caron, in the name of his superiors, made an overture to the king for the redaction of these towns, upon seasonable and honest composition; which being not hearkened unto, it lay asleep, until the month of December, 1615, at which time, Sir Noel being newly returned from his superiors, revived that motion with earnest instance, and for that purpose expressly demanded audience of his majesty. It happened at the sels-fame time, that the governor of these towns delivered to Sir Ralph Winwood, to be exhibited to the lords, a complaint, that the garrison had not

received cised by the Dutch on the English, at Amboyna, [ooo] and the depriving them of their

share

received their pay for many weeks: the danger whereof the lords taking into their consideration, the question was moved by a great counsellor of eminent place, whether it were not better for his majesty's service to render these towns, than still to hold them at so great a charge.. Report being made to the king at the rising of the lords, tnat this question had been moved in council, he acquainted them with the instance of Sir Noel, and then gave them charge to advise and consult thereof, to deliver to him their judgment and resolutions; with which he, after the deliberations of ioor 12 days, concurred for the fale of the towns.

This account is absolutely inconsistent with the supposition of Barnevelt's journey to England, on the affair of the purchase.

Sir Thomas Lake mentions the result of the treaty, in a letter to Sir Dudley, from Greenwich, of the 28th of May, in'these words:

"We have now determined of the return of the cautf tionary towns, a matter vulgarly ill taken here, and "with many of the best. But necessity is of the coun*' cil. I think your lordship will hear of it by those

that have more hand in it than I."

[000] The cruelties exercised by the Dutch on the English at Amboyna, &c] Amboyna is an island in the East-Indies, and is the principal place where nutmegs, mace, cinnamon, cloves and (pice grow. In the year 1619, a treaty was concluded between James and the Dutch, with regard to the trade of the East-Indies, in consequence whereof, the English enjoyed part of the spice trade, and greatly enriched themselves. This made them envied by the Dutch, who were determined, if possible, to deprive them of the advantages they reaped. A plot therefore was pretended, in which the English, with the assistance of a few Japanese soldiers, M 4 were

share of the spice trade, cause him to attempt the vindication of the rights of his people, or punish those who had so vilely treated them.

To

were to seize on the fortress, and put the Dutch to the sword: Whereupon 'they were seized and examined; but stiffly denying the fact, they were tortured most barbarously. This produced (what the rack almost always docs produce) a consession ; hereupon ten Englijhtnen, seven of whom were agents, factors, and assistants, were ordered to be executed, Feb. 1623, six 'Japanese, and three natives, who all uniformly denied their knowIcge of the plot to the last moment. The Dutch account transmitted to the Englijj h East India company, in vindication of this affair, admits that all the evidence they had was obtained by torture, and that those who suffered prosesied their innocency, a clear proof this that they were condemned wrongfully. For when men • of different countries and interests are accused of joint

conspiracy, the denial of every individual at the article of death, amounts with me to the clearest proof of their innocency. However, these executions so terrified the Englijh, that they thought they could not fasely abide in Amboyna; they departed thence therefore, and the Dutch very honestly took their effects, to the value of 400,000 pounds. After this the neighbouring spice islands were l*-ft8'f 'h* ^e'ze^ ty them,and the English wholly dispossessed of their barbarous factors and trade, to their incredible loss and damage, cruelties (a) It may well be supposed that an affair of this nature "m"""ed, could not long remain a secret. The news reached in the East England, and sufficient proof was ma.de of the treachery lndies, Svo. and cruelty of the Dutch in it: and, no doubt, it was Lond. i7l1-expected that reparation would be demanded and ohj" r'5;°" tained. And had James made proper representations ta Wilson, p. the States-General, justice probably would have been aSi. Bur- done. For no State would openly have abetted such h'ft.Sr.aj69. villanies. But he pocketed up the affront; submitted Foi. Und. so the injury even without requiring fatisfaction; and Yil°-. contented^

To all these instances, if we add his permitting his only son, to go into Spain to bring

contented himself with barely telling the Dutch ambasfador, " that he never he^rd, nor read a more cruel *• and impious act, than that of Amboyna. But, added "he, I do forgive them, and I hope God will, but my son's son shall revenge this blood, and punish this horrid massacre." (b) Wretched must be the people(41 C«kr, who have a prince thus pusillanimous! what can they Vo1-1, P* hope for from those about them, but oppression, insults57* and injuries? princes owe to their subjects protection; if they afford it not, they have no reason to expect allegiance, nor should they murmur if it is refused. ,

By the way, we may observe that James was a false prophet, neither his son, nor his son's son, revenged this bloodshed at Amboyna, <,r punished this horrid masfacre. But Cromwell born to avenge the wrongs of the British nation, and restore her lost'glory, effectually did it. For among the conditions on which he gave peace to the Dutch, in April, 1654, it was inserted, " that "they should deliver up the island of Polerone, in the "East-Indies (which they had taken from the English "in the time of king James, and usurped it ever since) "into the hands of the English East-India company "again ; and pay a good sum of money [300,000] for *' the old barbarous violence, exercised so many years "since at Amboyna; for which the two last kings could "never obtain fatisfaction and reparation." (c) It M ciareowere to be .wished all princes had the honor of their coun- d°n's hift. try so much at heart, as it appears from this, and many ^o1, p" other instances, Cromwell had. Then would their cha- Tindal's rasters truly shine in history, and instead of the difagree- n°t« on able task of censuring, writers would be emulous of y*j" jj pointing out their excellencies; and their fame would be s9,| as lasting as letters. Whereas most princes have been contented with the incense offered them by flatterers, find therefore have seldom endeavoured to procure that solid reputation, which alone results from great and benevolent

to a conclusion the match [ppp] with the infanta,

nevolent actions. By which means their weaknesses, or wickednesses sill up their annals, and cause their names to be treated with indignation and contempt.

[ppp] His permitting his only son to go into Spain, &c.] "James had treated both with Franco, and Spain, for a match with prince Charles, tho' he knew well the inconveniences which would arise from his marrying a lady of a different religion. For in his Balilicon Doron, addressed to prince Henry, he has the following remarkable passage: "I would ratherest have you to marrie *' one that was fully of your own religion; her rank and "other qualities being agreeable to your estate: for al"though to my great regrate, the number of any "princes of power, and accounts professing our religion, "•be but very small; and that therefore this advice "seems to be the more strait and difficile: yet ye have "deeply to- weigh, and consider upon these doubts, '"how ye and your wife can be of one fkfh, and keep

** unitie betwixt you, being members of two opposite ** churches: difagreement in religion bringeth ever *' with it difagreement in manners; and the dissen** tion betwixt your preachers and hers, will breed and "foster a dissension among your subjects, taking "their example from your family; besides the peril "of the evil education of your children. Neither * ' pride you that ye will be able to make her as ye *' please: that deceived Solomon the wisest king that ever (a) K, J,m," was." (a) There is fense in this passage; and yet works, p. tjje writer of it never attempted to match either of his "** sons with a protestant princess. The eldest, prince Henry, he endeavoured to marry with a daughter of France or Savoy; the youngest, prince Charles, .as I have just observed, with France or Spain. With France (*) B'TMf^e the negotiations were broke off for that purpose, and Ugotia- those with Spain commenced about the year 1616. (b) tions, &c But for several years the Spaniards had no other end in v. 39«. enter

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