H. or R.] Address to the President. [DECEMBER, 1796. our deliverer. And now for gentlemen to come here and speak of the troubles of the country, ascribing all our adversity to him, it is like applying cold water where the strongest energy is necessary. Again I would repeat, that if that man, our common parent, has committed errors, it is no more than we all may do: it is the general lot of all. If there have been faults in the Administration, I do not think they lie at his door, but at his counsellors; he has had bad counsellors; his advisers are to blame, and not him. I never saw how he could have done otherwise than he did. And now, sir, said Mr. R., it is our duty to bear those great actions and generous sentiments in our view, that, on his retirement from his public station, we may render him all the respect due to his character. Nor would I less remember our situation with France, that great and generous Republic, under whom we owe our liberty. Let us not give offence to her, but by every mark of gratitude and respect, act a part consistent with a just sense of our peaceable intention. Let us act with the greatest circumspection and deliberation. Mr. NICHOLAS said, he sincerely wished that such an answer might be agreed to, as would give a general satisfaction. He hoped some mode would be adopted to unite the wishes of every gentleman; his disposition, he said, led him to vote for the paragraph; he thought himself at liberty so to do, as he was satisfied the Administration had been, in many instances, wise and firm. He thought it improper that such debate should take place at the present time. He could see no inconvenience that could arise from voting for the Address. The words on which most stress had been laid, were those expressive of the wisdom and firmness of the PRESIDENT's administration. He declared he thought it had much contributed to the success of this country; and if success had attended his measures, there could be nothing inconsistent in their acknowledging it; which was all the compliment necessary to give satisfaction. He thought he could vote for the Address without involving himself in all the sentiments advanced on the subject. Mr. N. observed, that some of the expressions in the Address were much stronger than he wished them. He knew his constituents regretted the PRESIDENT's resignation, and that whatever little to diminish our sense of respect for the great man I hope the present Address may be formed not interruption there might have been to weaken to whom presented, while it gives unanimous sattheir esteem of him, he yet retained their confi-isfaction to all the members of this House. dence. With this explanation for my conduct, said Mr. N. I think myself at liberty to vote for the Address. draughted so as to avoid this debate. He said, it was Mr. LIVINGSTON was sorry the answer was not Mr. RUTHERFORD. My colleague, has in a great tlemen who advocated the Address in its present his sincere desire and hope that the candor of genmeasure anticipated my sentiments on this occa- form, and those who wished it amended, would sion. I am sorry for the mistaken zeal the gentle-so combine as to make it agreeable to all. He said men of the committee should have shown for the PRESIDENT, by introducing expressions into the Address so exceptionable, and which should be subject to such an uncomfortable exposure of that character. I was able yesterday only to attend a part of the debate, through indisposition, but what I did stay to hear, hurt me very much. I heard gentlemen speak ill of the common parent of our country, whom we all revere; and was a slip, but one criminal slip to rob the PRESIDENT of his good name? We have seen the goodness of the heart of that man, and with satisfaction. We have seen him wrestling with his own feelings to continue in the important and weighty business of Government; we have seen him contending with two great rival nations, and yet preserved peace. When he had made a slip, the people of America have stepped forward to assist him, and dropped the generous tear, sensible that to err is human, and that we are all liable to do wrong. I am sure that my colleagues and every one in the House hold the character and virtue of that man in high esteem. I am sorry to see that division of sentiment which has taken place; it would make the world believe that we wish to rob him of those qualifications. It is the justice and duty of this House to do that man, that patriot, all the honor they can, whilst it is the interest of this nation to hold in view those great points with generous satisfaction, and good wishes to the man who has stepped forward, and not in vain. to the support of our Republic in the war, and under Divine assistance was made he intended to oppose the amendments which had been proposed, although he did not see the Address every way right; with a view to reconcile parties, when the present motion was disposed of he should others. He could not, like some gentlemen, draw move to strike out some words, in order to insert consolation from the misfortunes of other nations; did he see a propriety, as another gentleman had their distresses were rather matter of regret; nor done, of likening our affairs with those of the members of a family; but, even if it would bear, he could not see that tranquility in this family as paragraph in question, was the words "tranquil was expressed. His only objection, he said, to the prosperity." He believed the United States did not enjoy that tranquil prosperity; on the contrary, he thought this was a time of great calamity in the country, and he thought that it was owing, principally, to the measures of the Government. he said, he should, when they came to be consider- those clauses and negatived. Mr. PARKER renewed the motion he made yes terday, to strike out the words "freest and most enlightened in the world." (H. or R. was the French Republic. If, however, it can be proved that they have used similar language, he supposed it would give gentlemen some ease as to this particular. In looking over some papers, he had seen several bombastical expressions in a note of Barthelemy, a report to the Convention of Laviere, and of Cambaceres, in the name of the three committees. In one are these words "a Government so powerful as the French." In another he calls it "the most enlightened in the civilized world." In another, "the first in the universe." He hoped that while that nation could use expressions like these, the gentlemen of this House would not think the expressions referred to would give offence to that or any other nation. Mr. HARPER said, that he believed the motion he yesterday offered had the advantage of superseding the necessity of that motion, as it would strike out a much greater portion of the Address in order to substitute words more simple and expressive than the several parts now contained. He would not again go over the ground he yesterday trod; but would barely submit the resolution to the committee. He did not propose to amend the Address because he felt any reluctance at expressing the sentiments contained in them, but because he thought the words proposed would more effectually bring about a reconciliation, and have the advantage of more simplicity and force of expres- Mr. PARKER said, when he made the motion he sion. His amendment was, to strike out that part did not refer to any particular nation; he had neiof the answer, from the words "retirement from ther France nor England in view; he did not office," at the end of the seventh paragraph, to wish to see us contrast our political situation with the words "may you long," &c., at the beginning that of any other country. His objections to the of the last paragraph; and insert, "and to avail words, he said, arose from our making the declaourselves of this occasion, since no suitable one ration ourselves. Our Government, he acknowmay hereafter occur, of disclosing those warm ledged, was free; it was the best in his opinion emotions of respect, gratitude, and affection, with anywhere. He wished to believe the people as which we, no less than our constituents, have been enlightened as any other; he believed they were, inspired by a life equally illustrious for the wis- and if they were not they had only themselves to dom, integrity, and patriotism whereby its public blame; but however enlightened or free we were, conduct has been guided, and fortunate in the hap-in his opinion we were not the proper organs to py influence which the exercise of those virtues has produced on the prosperity of our country." Mr. FREEMAN said, he could not vote for the motion the gentleman had made for striking out, nor the substitute proposed; because it left out a sentiment contained in the original which he very much approved, and which he would wish by all means to be included in the Address, viz: "Yet we cannot be unmindful that your moderation and magnanimity, twice displayed by retiring from your exalted stations, afford examples no less rare and instructive to mankind than valuable to the Republic." Mr. HARPER said, those words could be easily admitted into the motion, which he had no objection to. Mr. AMES hoped that the motion to strike out would not prevail; for, without being over tenacious on the subject, he must give a preference to the copy of the report which was printed; the members had the advantage of weighing it in their minds, which they would lose by adopting the substitute; besides, he thought the ideas were so crowded in that proposed, as to render it heavy; he hoped the reported Address would be agreed to. Mr. HARPER'S motion was then put and negatived. Twenty-five members only voting for the motion. Mr. PARKER again moved to strike out "freest and most enlightened," &c. declare it; however enlightened we might be, he thought the last four years administration had convinced many, as well as himself, that the Administration was not the most enlightened; if they had they would not have suffered such shameful spoliations on our commerce and shameful acts of cruelty to our seamen. He said the two little monarchies of Denmark and Sweden, neither of which in point of extent can be compared with the United States, more (to use the comparison of the gentleman from Pennsylvania yesterday) than a speck is to the sun; nor are they either of them in population nearly equal to the United States; and although they are surrounded by the greatest warlike Powers in a belligerant state, yet they have preserved their neutrality inviolate; their ships have not been wantonly seized, nor have their seamen been torn from their ships, or whipped at the gangway of British ships-of-war, or been shot by their press-gangs. To mention the instances of British cruelty towards our seamen in every instance that could be adduced, would take up time unnecessarily; one alone, that recently happened, I shall relate: The brother of a member of this House [Mr. FRANKLIN of N. C.] was impressed on board a British ship-of-war in the West Indies; he was unacquainted with seamanship, having only made a passage from North Carolina to the Islands; being awkward and not being a seaman he was discharged. The same evening a press-gang of the same ship fell in with him and made him a prisoner; in attempting to make his escape he was shot at. The ball was aimed at his body; it was not winged with death, but the young man was wound Mr. W. SMITH said yesterday, in the discussion on the subject, gentlemen had assigned for their reason to strike out those words that other nations would be offended at us. It was usual, he said, for nations to applaud themselves, and he thought it could give no offence to any. He did not heared in the hand. gentlemen mention what nation was meant. He Mr. P. observed, that the Helvetic Confederacy, presumed the only nation that could be alluded to the Swiss cantons, have been better treated than us; H. OF R.] Address to the President. [ DECEMBER, 1796. erty? I presume he shut himself up in his shell. although their inhabtants were few and they had cessful days? In case of a war with France, no shipping, yet in the midst of powerful contend- should we not be compelled to shut up ourselves ing armies that even surrounded them, they pre-like the terrapin in his shell [looking at Mr. AMES] served their dignity. Whilst they have preserv- could we carry on our trade abroad? Should we ed their dignity ours has very much diminished. not be deprived of the islands of France in the Mr. P. said, when the baneful Orders of the 6th West Indies, from whence we not only draw neof November, 1793, were issued by the British cessaries for home consumption, but valuable carGovernment, by which our vessels were seized, goes for exportation? When the Treaty quesand our citizens torn from their country, it was tion was before us last session, the gentleman from proposed by this House to lay an embargo, which Massachusetts, [Mr. AMES.] in order to frighten was to be followed, and was followed by a bill to the House into the appropriation for the British break off all commerce with Great Britain, after Treaty, told us the tomahawk was lifted up to a certain day, and also to sequester the British strike the son, whose blood was to enrich the ships and other property in this country to make cornfield. The slumbers of the cradle were to be good for the losses illegally sustained; the first disturbed by the savage yell, and a variety of other bill fell through in the Senate; the sequestration high-toned, alarming metaphors, which I am not was given up in consequence of the Senate's re- able to follow him in, as, in point of eloquence, jecting the non-intercourse bill. the palm is yielded to him; but, after this, let me At this time, it was said by the gentleman from ask for his consistency; then we were to shut ourMassachusetts, [Mr. AMES] we must be sober-selves up in our shell, now we are to meet France; minded and discreet; we must not provoke this why has his tone so changed? When Britain inpowerful nation. She is armed at all points like sults us, we are to crawl into our shell; when a porcupine, her quills are sharply pointed, and she, France does, we must meet her: did that gentleis in confederacy with the most powerful nations man meet the British last war? Where was that in Europe; therefore, it will be wise to shut our-gentleman when we were struggling for our libselves up like the terrapin, and wait until events change the affairs of Europe; but on no terms Mr. P. said he had seen such acts of rapine and whatever go to war. A breach of intercourse cruelty committed by the British armies in Amewould be war, and sequestration was actual war. rica, that he could not think them great or magHis language prevailed, and the Executive sent an nanimous, but the most cruel of any other nation. Envoy Extraordinary to the Court of St. James's. He had seen a flourishing town destroyed, houses It must have been expected by the most free and and vessels burned, and families ruined; and when enlightened Americans, that this extra Envoy he took Portsmouth. in Virginia, in 1781, not an was sent to represent and demand redress of our hour after General O'Hara left it, he found, in a grievances. But too soon were they disappointed; house nearly as large as the one we sit in, a great for, on his arrival, the first note from his pen ad- number of melancholy victims of British barbaridressed to Lord Grenville, says, "he relies only on ty, (some of whom were among the most respectthe justice and magnanimity of His Majesty."able,) the rooms crowded with people, dead and The baneful Treaty since verifies the act. Was this language for us to hold out to that nation from whom we had received such insults and injuries? Do we rely only on the justice and magnani-humanity. mity of that country for support? The most petty State in the world would scorn to debase itself so much. Where then is our enlightened state? This, he said, was an act of an Administration, they were called upon to applaud, and say we were the most enlightened in the world. He believed the PRESIDENT never would have put his name to the Treaty that has brought us to the eve of a war with France, if he had not been advised by the counsel of others, who, he feared, were friendly to Great Britain, hostile to France, and enemies to their country. As to the PRESIDENT himself, he believed him to be a just, wise, and good man; he knew he was brave. The gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. AMES] tells us we are on the eve of a war with France, and in this case it is necessary we should unite and meet her. Where are we to meet her, says Mr. P.? Have we a Navy to transport troops to Europe? No; and if we had, could we expect to foil that great nation, who are fighting for their freedom, and who had obtained more victories, and conquered more men in a few months, than ever was done by the Romans in their most suc dying of the small-pox, not a single nurse to attend them, nor a drop of water to wet their mouths; this is among the evidences of British These are the people we are to be allied to, to fight France. If we must go to war with France, and we are invaded by her, I must and will fight for my country; but, were I to have a choice, I would prefer a close connexion with France rather than Britain. Our Governments are more alike; we alike have fought for freedom; we have, in some measure, loosened the chains which ignorance and superstition had made, and which were supported by king-craft and priest-craft. I wish to see Republican liberty spread itself over the world; this is among the reasons why I should deprecate a war with France. Hence I hope that every measure will be used consistent with the honor of our country, to cement closely the bands of union between the United States and the French Republic. Having said, perhaps, too much on this subject, I shall conclude with the words of a celebrated French author, (Voltaire,) "I have graved on my heart a love of freedom, and a hate of Kings." Mr. HARPER said, he had had not a disposition to follow the gentleman in his invectives against the Administration of this country, or in his re DECEMBER, 1796.] Address to the President. [H. or R. ference to the conduct of another nation. Nor would be considered as arrogant self-praise. His could he see what it had to do with the matter in very declaration would prove that he wanted hand. The question was, whether they should sense as well as modesty, but a nation might be make the declaration or not; it did not appear to called so, by a citizen of that nation, without imhim important whether they made it or not. If propriety; because, in doing so, he bestows no it was true, other nations would see it. But why praise of superiority on himself; he may be in should gentlemen travel into this long field of in- fact, and may be sensible that he is less enlightvective? Suppose all these assertions were true, ened than the wise of other nations. This sort he should then vote against his own motion. Ad- of national eulogium may, no doubt, be fostered mit all was a mistake; that we are not what we by vanity and grounded in mistake; it is somethink ourselves to be, and that it had its founda- times just, it is certainly common, and not always tion in a base, wicked design, does it then follow either ridiculous or offensive. It did not say that that all the rest of America are equally wicked? France or England had rot been remarkable for We have been talking much about war, pacifica- enlightened men; their literati are more numerous tion. &c. It would seem to strangers who enter- and distinguished than our own. The character, ed the House since the debate commenced, that with respect to this country, he said, was strictly the subject before the Committee was a declara- true. Our countrymen, almost universally, postion of war, whereas it is only whether we call sess some property and some pretensions of learnourselves a free and an enlightened people or not. ing-two distinctions so remarkably in their faThe gentleman from Virginia [Mr. PARKER] said, vor as to vindicate the expression objected to. he felt himself pacifically inclined to all nations. But go through France, Germany, and most counMr. H. supposed the truth was, that the gentle- tries of Europe, and it will be found that, out of man was pacifically inclined towards the nation fifty millions of people, not more than two or who seemed to be hostile at present against this three had any pretensions to knowledge, the rest country. [Mr. PARKER here rose to make some being, comparatively with Americans, ignorant. explanation.] Mr. H., however, hoped they should In France, which contains twenty-five millions of not travel into fields of discussion, nor give scope people, only one was calculated to be in any reto their imaginations, to call forth from their recol- spect enlightened, and, perhaps, under the old lection all the circumstances which could be de- system, there was not a greater proportion postailed, but which would only serve to irritate and sessed property; whilst in America, out of four prolong business which required immediate dis-millions of people, scarely any part of them could cussion; he hoped, therefore, that they should be classed upon the same ground with the rabble confine themselves to the simple question, whe- of Europe. That class called vulgar, canaille, ther to strike out or not? What, he would ask, rabble, so numerous there, does not exist here as have peaceful or hostile dispositions to do with the a class, though our towns have many individuals question in hand? He had said, when compared of it. Look at the lazaroni of Naples; there are with Sweden and Denmark, our Government had twenty thousand or more houseless people, wretchbeen very unwise, and had suffered depreda- ed, and in want! He asked whether, where men tions on our commerce. He did not wish to enter wanted everything, and were in proportion of 29 far into the discussion, but this he could say, that to 1, it was possible they could be trusted with Sweden and Denmark, although they had 36 ships power? Wanting wisdom and morals, how would of war always ready to protect them, yet they had they use it? It was, therefore, that the iron hand submitted to as great insults as we have; with of despotism was called in by the few who had less force we have obtained greater advantages anything, to preserve any kind of control over the than they. As to the Swiss Cantons, although many. This evil, as it truly was, and which he they have no ships on the ocean, they were in al- did not propose to commend, rendered true liberty liance with the only nation that could annoy hopeless. In America, out of four millions of them; besides, their situation is such that their people, the proportion which cannot read and mountainous country will protect them against write, and who, having nothing, are interested in all invaders; they can sustain an independent plunder and confusion, and disposed for both, is character with more ease than most nations. He small. In the Southern States, he knew there did not see any superior wisdom in their conduct; were people well-informed; he disclaimed all dehe must consider our conduct marked with more sign of invidious comparison; the members from wisdom than either of them. Involved in a laby- the South would be more capable of doing justice rinth with three or four of the strongest nations to their constituents, but in the Eastern States he in the world, although we have not received those was more particularly conversant, and knew the advantages we could wish, yet he thought we had people in them could generally read and write, come out quite as well as we had any reason to and were well-informed as to public affairs. In hope. Contrasted with Sweden, Denmark, and such a country, liberty is likely to be permanent. Switzerland, we have obtained those advantages They are enlightened enough to be free. It is which would afford us ample reason to admire the possible to plant it in such a soil, and reasonable wisdom of our Administration; and those advan-to hope that it will take root and flourish long, tages were obtained while we staid at home and managed our own business. Mr. AMES said, if any man were to call himself more free and enlightened than his fellows, it as we see it does. But can liberty, such as we understand and enjoy, exist in societies where the few only have property, and the many are both ignorant and licentious? Was there any impropriety, then, in saying what was a fact? As it respects Government, the declaration is useful. It is respectful to the people to speak of them with the justice due to them, as eminently formed for liberty, and worthy of it. The gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. GILES,] on a former occasion, had said he adored the people; but now, when there was a wish to pronounce the attributes of his divinity, he was not found more fervent in his adoration than many who had made no such profession. If they are free and enlightened, let us say so; if they are not, he should no longer adore them; they would not certainly be worthy of honors quite divine. Mr. A. said they ought not only resay this, because it was true, but because their saying so would have the effect to produce that self-respect which was the best guard of liberty, and most conducive to the happiness of society. It was useful to show where our hopes and the true safety of our freedom are reposed. It cherished in return from the citizens a just confidence, a spirit of patriotism unmixed with foreign alloy, and the courage to defend a Constitution that a people really enlightened knows to be worthy of its efforts. If the words were objectionable, it would be easy to alter them to avoid the objection without impairing essentially their force. A gentleman near him had suggested the propriety of saying we were "among the freest and most enlightened." He had no objection to the alteration, though he saw no reason for altering the phraseology, but he was willing to compromise with gentlemen, it not being essential. The citizens of a free Government ought, he said, to believe they were the most free and enlightened, because, having the power of making the Government what they please, if it was not the best, it would be their own fault for not making it so. [DECEMBER, 1796. he said, were their reasons, and they had been effectual. He would not go into an examination of the subject now. It was their wish to urge every exertion of the country, to have strained its faculties till they were ready to crack, and to have called forth the last dollar and the last man in defence of the country in case of necessity. Did this look as if they wished to truckle to Great Britain? Many of their opposers, so zealous then for retaliation and reprisal, were not for anything else neither troops, ships, taxes, nor Treaty. This the yeas and nays on the Journals will establish. Will the opposers show half the spirit now that we felt and expressed at that day? How happened it, he asked, that gentlemen were so angry because they had then heard the language of peace; and now, because the same language was heard? Not one of us desire hostility. Was it because Great Britain was then the object and France now? Wrongs from the former cannot be resented enough; and wrongs and insult, too, from the latter, require words of more ardor than a lover's. No man felt more for the wrongs of America than he did. He felt for the loss of ships and property; and more, that our seamen had so suffered. On no occasion had a drop of blood pressed through his heart more quickly than at their painful misfortunes. But, was it not the part of dignity and prudence to endeavor to obtain restitution for those wrongs rather than take up arms? Was it suited to national dignity to make use of the language that had been used on that occasion by many of his opposers? thought both national and personal dignity forbade it; he had thought it equally intemperate and unbecoming. He Did not gentlemen seem to feel more for one individual than for an insult on the whole nation and its Government? The Administration might suffer contumely and abuse, and the country, too, without producing any emotions in the breasts of gentlemen; their feelings seem to take quite another direction. If the British Minister should outrage our Government, as the Minister of France had done, every one would be for avenging the wrong. He thought it right that they should now declare their determination of supporting the Executive in supporting our national honor and dignity, or let him see in season that he was to be abandoned. He believed the House would not be be surprised if he took notice of what had been said in allusion to him in the course of the debate-allusions with which he could not be offended, because they were urged with so many expressions of the most flattering civility. But every gentleman would believe those things were not applicable to him, as their recollections would not fail to prove. What had been his language with respect to Britain? Did he say we were to submit? Did he say we were to defend our country? Was he then afraid as they were now, that soft The gentleman from South Carolina [Mr. HARwords would not be soft enough? No; such lan- PER] had justly said, that though we had no Navy guage came not from him. Do nothing to irri- to support our pretensions, we had come off better tate; wage no war; no hostility. Such, he call- than Sweden or Denmark-countries which had ed sequestration, and other acts of that nature. been produced as patterns of wisdom. Though We were, he said, about to make war on British he did not suppose the British Treaty would be property, and such would have been considered carried into effect, so as to satisfy every person a kind of minor war. He, therefore, wished to who had suffered in his property by the British, shut up ourselves in our shell like a tortoise. But, yet he trusted the event would prove, in a consiat the same time, he recommended troops to be derable degree, satisfactory. He wished all other raised, ships to be built, taxes to be laid, and a spi-depredations on our commerce might be in the rited claim of justice to be urged. The gentle- end as nearly compensated. man who wished at that time particularly to pre- At the time when Government was pursuing serve peace, did not wish to hold out the olive-her negotiation, we were embarrassed with Spain, branch alone, by leaving the country defenceless. with the Indians, and with the Western people. This many of their opposers absolutely did. These, On the sea, our people were suffering in their |