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to enforce the law and protect the property of the nation; that in view of what was occurring in the Southern States, of threats to prevent the inauguration of a President constitutionally elected, it was incumbent upon the loyal people of the several States to be prepared to render all their aid, military and otherwise, to the enforcement of the Federal laws, and that Major Anderson deserved the thanks of the country for the course pursued by him.

At Cincinnati, a large meeting of workingmen was held, at which resoluJan. tions were adopted declaring that 5. the Union must be preserved in its integrity by the enforcement of the laws in every part of the country, through whatever means may be necessary. At Portland, in Maine, also, the people gathered in a mass meeting," and passed similar resolutions.

The legislatures of various Northern States adopted resolutions in favor of the Union, and offered aid to the President to sustain the Government. New York tendered whatever "aid in men or money might be required to enforce the laws and uphold the authority of the Federal Government." Massachusetts did the same, and after declaring that South Carolina had committed an act of war, passed a bill authorizing the increase of the volunteer military of the State.

At the same time, it is true, that there were meetings of Northern citizens, at which there was a disposition to treat the recreant States with more tenderness. These, however, indicated no less

the Union sentiment of the country, though they favored more conciliatory treatment. In New Jersey, resolutions were reported deploring the state of the country-advising, as a means of settling differences, the adoption by the people of the Crittenden resolutions, or some other pacific measures, with such modifications as might be deemed expedient; recommending the Legislature of New Jersey to pass a law to take a vote of the people, yes or no, on these; approving of the course of Virginia in appointing a commission to go to Washington, and counselling the Legislature to do the same.

It was the Union sentiment, moreover, however rudely expressed, which prompted some of the citizons of Rochester to break up an abolitionist meeting with noisy shouts for General Scott and Major Anderson, and others to resist with violence the hanging across the streets of a banner bearing the inscription, "No compromise with slavery." It was the same feeling, doubtless, which urged the crowd to overwhelm the disunion declarations of Wendell Phillips at Boston with noisy demonstrations of dissatisfaction, and hustle him in the streets until he was forced to take refuge with a squad of policemen.

In the mean time, some alarm was excited in regard to the safety of Washington, which was known to be filled with secessionists. It was rumored that plots had been laid and military companies organized in Maryland and Virginia, to seize the capital and prevent the inauguration of Lincoln. This call

GENERAL ALARM.

to arms of General Carrington is a memorable illustration of the public fearfulness begotten by the general suspicion.

"TO THE PUBLIC.

"Whereas the militia of the district is not organized, and threats have been made that the President-elect shall not be inaugurated in Washington, and there is reason, therefore, to apprehend that on the 4th of March next our city may be made the scene of riot, violence, and bloodshed; and whereas the undersigned believes that the honor of the nation and our city demands that the President-elect shall be inaugurated in the national metropolis, and that the young men of Washington city are determined not to desert their homes in the hour of danger, but to maintain their ground and defend their families and friends, in the Union and on the side of the Constitution and the laws, therefore the undersigned earnestly invites all who concur with him in opinion, and who are not now connected with some military company, to join with him in forming a temporary military organization, with a view of preserving peace and order in our midst on the 4th of March next, or whenever the emergency requires it-and for that purpose to unite with the volunteer companies of our city, which have, in a spirit of gallantry and patriotism worthy of our imitation, pledged themselves to the cause of the Union, the Constitution, and the laws. It is proper to state that I take this step after consultation with friends in whom I have the greatest confidence. It is not my object to interfere with my brother officers of the militia;

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the organization proposed is to be purely volunteer, for the purpose above stated, in which I am willing to serve in any capacity. I make the proposition, not as one of the generals of the militia, but as a citizen of Washington, who is prepared to defend his home and his honor at the peril of his life.

"EDWARD C. CARRINGTON." Lieut. General Scott, however, the venerable custodian of the Union, was on guard, and by his prompt military measures of defence soon relieved the inquietude at the capital.

Even in New York a suspicion of secret plots arose, and excited public anxiety. The entire force at the Brooklyn navy-yard was put under arms, the guns of the frigate North Carolina shotted, and the city militia mustered, in readiness to resist the rumored attack of a band of secession conspirators.

A measure of obvious duty, though perhaps not of technical right, tardily begun and but ineffectively carried out, that of seizing, by the police of New York, arms intended for the seceded States, excited not unnaturally great indignation at the South, and some less expected disfavor even at the North. Jan. The mayor of the city of New York 24. eagerly disclaimed any responsibility for the "outrage," and declared that if he had the power, he "would summarily punish the authors of this illegal and unjustifiable seizure of private property." The Governor of Georgia retaliated by seizing some New York vessels in the harbor of Savannah, which were held until the arms claimed by him were restored.

While the feeling between the union- vention, suggested by the State of Virists and secessionists was thus becom-ginia, had assembled in Washington and ing daily more exasperated, and threat- been organized, with ex-President Tyler ening a collision of arms, a peace con- to preside over it.

CHAPTER VIII.

The Meeting of the General Congress of the Seceding States at Montgomery.-Organization.-Formation of Provisional Government and Constitution.-No Conciliation or Compromise.-Nature of the New Constitution.-Its Politic Clauses. Election of President and Vice-President.-Good Choice.-Extremists and Moderates both suited.-Life of Jefferson Davis.-His Birth.-Parentage.-Military Career.-Resignation.-Cotton Planting.-Political Career.— A Volunteer Officer in the Mexican War.-Turns the Tide of Battle at Buena Vista -Appointed Brigadier-General. -Scruples of a States Rights Man.-Senator of the United States.-Chairman of Committee on Military Affairs.— Unsuccessful Candidate for Governor.-Electioneering for Pierce.--Secretary of War, and services in that office.Personal Character and Appearance.—Elected President of the Confederate States.—Inaugural Address.-Biography of Alexander H. Stephens.-A poor Youth.-Educated by Charity.-Rapid eminence as a Lawyer.-Leader of the Whig Party in Congress.-Retirement from Public Life.-Disease.-Stirred by the Secession Movement.-Strong for the Union.-A sudden Conversion.-An earnest Proselyte.-Personal Appearance and Character.-A remarkable Speech. The Cabinet of President Davis.—Robert Toombs: his Life and Character.—Charles Gustavus Memminger : his Life and Character.-Le Roy Pope Walker: his Life and Character.-Judah P. Benjamin: his Life and Character. Stephen M. Mallory: his Life and Character. -John H. Reagan: his Life and Character.

1861.

In accordance with a proposition of Alabama, all the conventions of the seceding States sent delegates to a general congress, which met at Montgomery on the 4th of February. In a few days after its organization, the Feb. form of a provisional government 8. and a constitution were unanimously agreed upon, to take effect immediately. No suggestion was made. for the restoration of harmony with the Union from which the States represented in the convention had separated. The subjects of conciliation and compromise were waived as totally obsolete. To form an independent nation and provide for its government and defence was the sole object, apparently, of the desire, as it was the motive of the action, of the members of the convention.

The constitution adopted was based on that of the United States, with modifications peculiar to the new government. The preamble dwelt especially on the separate sovereignty of the individual States of the new confederacy, and thus strove to give legal sanction to that heresy which had proved so fatal to the harmony of the Union. It declared:

"We, the deputies of the sovereign and independent States of South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana, invoking the favor of Almighty God, do hereby, in behalf of these States, ordain and establish this constitution for the provisional government of the same, to continue one year from the inauguration of the President, or until a permanent constitution or confederation between the said States shall

CONSTITUTION OF SOUTHERN CONFEDERACY.

be put in operation, whichsoever shall first occur."

To conciliate the governments of Europe, on whose interposition in behalf of the new confederacy great calculations were made, but whose policy of abolishing the slave-trade seemed fatal to an alliance with any state which might favor that cruel commerce, the following article was adopted:

"The importation of African negroes from any foreign country other than the slaveholding States of the United States, is hereby forbidden, and Congress is required to pass such laws as shall effectually prevent the same."

At the same time, to give full protection to the institution as it existed in the slave States comprising the confederacy, stringent fugitive law set forth that:

"A slave in one State escaping to another shall be delivered up on the claim of the party to whom said slave may belong, by the executive authority of the State in which such slave may be found; and in case of any abduction or forcible rescue, full compensation, including the value of the slave, and all costs and expenses, shall be made to the party by the State in which such abduction or rescue shall take place."

The following clause was ingeniously introduced as a forcible appeal to Virginia and other border States, still reluctant to leave the Union and try the hazards of the new confederacy.

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In the clause relating to the tariff, the favorite Southern doctrine of taxation for revenue, and not for protection, was distinctly enunciated thus:

"The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises for revenue necessary to pay the debts and carry on the government. of the confederacy, and all duties, imposts, and excises shall be uniform throughout the confederacy."

To close up all accounts with the old Union and start the new under the most favorable auspices, an ostentatious profusion of fairness of dealing was made in an article declaring that "the goverument hereby instituted shall take immediate steps for the settlement of all matters between the States forming it and their late confederates of the United States, in relation to the public property and public debt at the time of their withdrawal from them, these States hereby declaring it to be their wish and earnest desire to adjust everything pertaining to the common property, common liabilities, and common obligations of that union upon principles of right, justice, equity, and good faith."

After the adoption of the Constitution, the Congress proceeded at once to the election of a provisional President and and Vice-President. Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, was chosen the former, and Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia, the latter. No better appointments could have been made to further the purposes of the new confederacy. Both were experienced statesmen of practised executive talents. Davis, who had

been long known as an advocate of State Rights, served to give assurance to the extremists of the South that their special interests were safe in his keeping, while Stephens, whose reluctant secessionism had been equally conspicuous, gave confidence to the moderate men, and encouraged them to give in their adherence to a government of which he was a prominent executive officer.

Jefferson Davis was born on the third of June, 1808, in Christian, now Todd, County, Kentucky. His father, who was a planter and an officer in the army of Revolutionary renown, removed to Mississippi while his son was yet a child. After a sound preliminary academical discipline at school and college, young Davis was admitted a cadet at West Point in 1824. In 1828 he graduated, and entered into active military service. In the Black Hawk war he earned promotion by his gallantry, and being raised to a first lieutenantcy of dragoons, served in that rank in various expeditions against the Indian tribes of the West. In 1835 he resigned his commission and took to cotton planting in Mississippi. He was, however, soon withdrawn from his retirement by the political interests of the country, and in 1844 was chosen a Presidential elector of Mississippi, to vote for Polk and Dallas, the candidates of the Democratic party, for which Davis had early shown his partiality.

In 1845, Davis was chosen a member of Congress, and at once assumed a prominent position, as a debater, on the

side of his political friends, the Democrats. The Mexican war having in the mean time broken out, and a Mississippi regiment having elected him its colonel, he left at once his seat in the House of Representatives, and hastened to the scene of hostilities. He was with Taylor at the storming of Monterey, and at the battle of Buena Vista came up, in the nick of time, at the head of his Mississippians, and turned the waving tide of battle in favor of the American troops. He was wounded while pertinaciously resisting a superior force, but still remained in the saddle until the end of the battle. General Taylor complimented him highly in his dispatch. On the expiration of the term of service of his regiment he returned home, but on his way he was met with a commission of brigadier-general of volunteers from President Polk. This, however, with a scrupulous regard for the "sovereign" rights of his State, he refused to accept, on the ground that the Federal authority, in making such an appointment, was interfering with the prerogative of Mississippi

In 1847, Davis was appointed by the Governor of Mississippi senator of the United States, to fill a casual vacancy. In the next year, however, he was unanimously elected by the Legislature to complete the term, and again in 1850 was a second time chosen. He was appointed chairman of the committee on military affairs, and took a prominent part in the debates on most important questions, but especially on those which bore upon the interests of

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