CHAPTER LX. Joy on the Capture of Slidell and Mason.-Immoderate excitement.-Captain Wilkes in Boston.-A hero.--Banquet in Boston.-Immoderate praise of Wilkes.-His modest explanation of his conduct.-Universal applause of Wilkes' act. Subsequent reflection.-Probable effect in Great Britain.-Public anxiety.--Congress and the Secretary of the Navy approve of the conduct of Wilkes.-Caution and Foresight of Mr. Seward. - Dispatch to Mr. Adams.-Great indignation in England on the arrival of the Trent.-Immediate preparations for war.--The Law Officers consulted. -Lord John Russell demands the surrender of Slidell and Mason.-Continued and increased excitement in England.-Increased anxiety in the United States.-Divided opinion.-Government resolves to give up Slidell and Mason. The general relief.-Mr. Seward's dispatch.-Ingenious argument. 1861. THE capture of Slidell and Mason was a source of universal satisfaction to the people of the North. Known, as they were, to be the chief among the instigators of secession, and the ablest and most unscrupulous of its political managers, it was not unnaturally considered, by those who loved the Union, a triumph to have arrested two of its archest enemies in their career of mischief. Exulting in a capture which was supposed to be important to its cause, the North allowed its sense of satisfaction to reveal itself in immoderate joy, without a due regard to the possible effect upon the relations with Great Britain of an event involving some of the grand questions of international law. It was thus that the citizens of Boston, in the fervor of their delight, welcomed Captain Wilkes with his prisoners as if he had been a hero returning with the trophies of a great victory. The civic gallant and meritorious officer of our navy, and for the sagacity, judgment, decision, and firmness which characterized your recent brilliant achievement, the effect of which upon the present rebellion may prove not less important than the glorious naval victories on the Southern coast." A banquet was subsequently given in Boston to the Captain and his first lieutenant, Fairfax, at which a judicial dignitary presided and civic magistrates assisted. Eulogistic speeches were uttered, in which the act of Captain Wilkes was immoderately praised as a deed of heroism, and its legality and policy inconsiderately assumed as unquestionable. The hero of the occasion modestly waived the personal praises as unmerited, and took the opportunity of explaining the motives of his conduct, which he seemed to think required justification. "Before deciding on the course I adoptauthorities of Boston received him pub-ed," he said, "I examined the authorities licly, and the mayor, in set phrase, told Kent, Wheaton, and the rest-and him, "We honor you as an eminent satisfied myself that these Commissionscientific navigator and explorer, as a ers,' or 'Ministers,' as they styled them POPULAR EXULTATION. selves, had no rights which attach to such functionaries when properly appointed; and finding that I had a right to take written dispatches, I took it for granted that I had a right to take these Commissioners,' as the embodiments of dispatches. I therefore took it upon myself to say to those gentlemen that they must produce their passports from the General Government, and as they could not do that, I arrested them." In the rest of the country the feeling was in accord with that which had been exhibited so demonstratively in the city of Boston. A common sentiment of delight was expressed at the capture of Slidell and Mason, and universal applause bestowed upon their captor. 631 so much from any disquietude about the legality of the act, as from the fear lest the British Government, suspected of an unfriendly disposition, might make it a pretext for interfering with a conflict which it was known to be anxious to bring to a close. Though the popular exultation at the capture of Slidell and Mason, and applause of their captor, were officially re-echoed by Congress and the Secretary of the Navy, the more cautious Secretary of State seemed from the earliest moment to have been aware of the gravity of the international question involved in Nov. the act, and in a dispatch* to the 30. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Esq., etc. : } SIR: Your confidential note of the 15th of November, not marked as a 'dispatch, has been submitted to the President, and I hasten to reply to it in time for the Wednesday's mail. We are impressed very favorably by Lord Palmerston's conversation with you. You spoke the simple fact when by its hopes of recognition in Great Britain and France. It would perish in ninety days if those hopes should cease. I have never for a moment believed that such a recognition could take place without producing immediately a war between the United States and all the recognizing Powers. I have not supposed it possible that the British Government could fail to see this, and, at the same time, I have sincerely believed the British Government must, in its inmost heart, be as averse from such a war as I know To this first effervescence of feeling there ensued a calmer state of the public mind, which led to a reflection on the probable solution in Great Britain of a question to which that irritable gov- you told him that the life of this insurrection is sustained ernment had been made a party, by the fact of the seizure of the Confederate Commissioners while under the cover of the British flag. It was, however, so easy to discover, in the arbitrary career of that domineering power, so many precedents of naval outrage, that public opinion at the North was persuaded without difficulty that England could not so repudiate her own conduct as to complain of an act supposed to be in harmony with it. this Government is. giving any cause of offence or irritation to Great Britain. I am sure that this Government has carefully avoided But it seems to me that the British Government has been inattentive to the currents that seem to be bringing the two countries into collision. 0 I infer from Lord Palmerston's remark, that the British Government is now awake to the importance of averting The intelligence of the effect in Great possible conflict, and disposed to confer and act with earn Britain of the seizure of the Confeder estness to that end. If so, we are disposed to meet them in the same spirit, as a nation chiefly of British lineage, sentiments, and sympathies-a civilized and humane na ate Commissioners was, notwithstanding, tion, a Christian people. awaited with considerable anxiety, not Since that conversation was held, Captain Wilkes, in American Minister at London prepared at Washington, a formal demand for the surrender of Slidell and Mason. the way for its amicable solution. *FOREIGN OFFICE, Nov. 30, 1862. On the arrival of the Trent in England, and the publication of the highly THE LORD LYONS, K.C.B., etc. : colored statements of its officers, the seizure of Slidell and Mason was denounced as an outrage, and the popular indignation greatly excited. The British Government, moreover, assuming that it had been wantonly insulted by the United States, made rapid and formidable preparations for war. The quesThe question of the seizure of the Confederate MY LORD-Intelligence of a very grave nature has reached her Majesty's Government. This intelligence was conveyed officially to the knowledge of the Admiralty by Commander Williams, agent for mails on board the contract steamer Trent. Commissioners having been formally submitted to the law officers of the Crown, who had pronounced it contrary to international law, Earl Russell, the secretary of foreign affairs, at once sent through the British minister, Lord Lyons, the steamer San Jacinto, has boarded a British colonial steamer, and taken from her deck the two insurgents, who were proceeding to Europe on an errand of treason against their own country. This is a new incident unknown to and unforeseen, at least in its circumstances, by Lord Palmerston. It is to be met and disposed of by the two Governments, if possible, in the spirit to which I have adverted. Lord Lyons has prudently refrained from opening the subject to me, as I presume waiting instructions from home. We adhere to that course now, because we think it more prudent that the ground taken by the British Government should be first made known to us here, and that the discussion, if there be one, shall be had here. It is proper, however, that you should know one fact in the case, without indicating that we attach importance to it- namely, that in the capture of Messrs. Mason and Slidell on board a British vessel, Captain Wilkes having acted without any instruction from the Government, the subject is therefore free from the embarrassment which might have resulted if the act had been specially directed by us. I trust that the British Government will consider the subject in a friendly temper, and it may expect the best disposition on the part of this Government. Although this is a confidential note, I shall not object to you reading it to Earl Russell and Lord Palmerston, if you deem it expedient. I am, sir, your obedient servant, WILLIAM H. SEWARD. It appears from the letter of Commander Williams, dated "Royal Mail Contract Packet Trent, at Sea, Novem ber 9," that the Trent left Havana on the 7th inst., with her Majesty's mail for England, having on board numerous passengers. Commander Williams states that shortly after noon on the 8th, a steamer having the appearance of a man-of-war, but not showing colors, was observed ahead. On nearing her, at fifteen minutes past one P.M., she fired a round shot from her pivot gun across the bows While the of the Trent, and showed American colors. half a cable's length ahead of her. The Trent then Mason, Slidell, McFarland, and Eustis, and that he had sure information of their being passengers of the Trent. While some parley was going on upon the matter, Mr. Slidell stepped forward and told the American officer that the four persons he had named were standing before him. The commander of the Trent and Commander Williams protested against the act of taking by force out of the Trent these four passengers, then under the protection of the British flag. But the San Jacinto was at that time only two hundred yards from the Trent, her ship's company at quarters, her ports open and tompions out. Resistance was therefore out of the question, and the four gentlemen before named were forcibly taken out of the ship. A further demand was made that the commander of the Trent should proceed on board the San Jacinto; but he said he would not go unless compelled forcibly likewise, and this demand was not insisted upon. It thus appears that certain individuals have been forcibly taken from on board a British vessel, the ship of a neutral Power, while such vessel was pursuing a lawful and innocent voyage-an act of violence which was an affront to the British flag and a violation of international law. Her Majesty's Government, bearing in mind the friendly relations which have long subsisted between Great Britain and the United States, are willing to believe that the United States naval officer who committed the aggression was not acting in compliance with any authority from his government, or that, if he conceived himself to be so authorized, he greatly misunderstood the EXCITEMENT IN ENGLAND. In the mean while, before this grave dispatch could reach its destination and an answer be returned, the popular excitement in England continued to intensify. The British Government at the same time was sanctioning the public agitation by its increased activity in warlike preparation, which it did not lessen even after being assured by the dispatch of Mr. Seward,* that the seizure of Slidell and Mason had not been authorized by the American Government, and of its conciliatory disposition. This apparent exhibition of hostile feeling on the part of the British Government and people was received in the United States partly with anxiety lest a foreign war should complicate our domestic troubles, and partly with a defiant resolution to maintain the position assumed by force of arms. Opinion instructions which he had received. For the Government of the United States must be fully aware that the British Government could not allow such an affront to the national honor to pass without full reparation, and her Majesty's Government are unwilling to believe that it could be the deliberate intention of the Government of the United States unnecessarily to force into discussion between the two Governments a question of so grave a character, and with regard to which the whole British nation would be sure to entertain such unanimity of feeling. Her Majesty's Government, therefore, trust that when this matter shall have been brought under the consideration of the Government of the United States, it will, of its own accord, offer to the British Government such redress as alone could satisfy the British nation, namely: The liberation of the four gentlemen and their delivery to your lordship, in order that they may again be placed under British protection, and a suitable apology for the aggression which has been committed. Should these terms not be offered by Mr. Seward, you will propose them to him. You are at liberty to read this dispatch to the Secretary of State, and if he shall desire it, you will give him a RUSSELL. I am, etc., copy of it. See dispatch of Mr. Seward to Mr. Adams, of Nov. 1, before quoted. 633 was thus divided while the demand of Great Britain was under consideration by our Government. When, finally, the resolution was taken to give up Slidell and Mason, and the announcement made to the public by the publication of the correspondence between the two Governments, there was a general feeling of relief. This may be accounted for partly by the discreet courtesy of Earl Russell's dispatch, partly by the ingenious answer of Mr. Seward, who had contrived to show that the demand of England was only in accordance with American views of international law, but chiefly by the satisfaction of evading the complication of a foreign war which might have prevented the success of the great cause of restoring the Union to which the national heart was so intensely devoted.* This is the memorable dispatch of Mr. Seward addressed to Lord Lyons, the British minister, in answer to the demand of the English Government : "DEPARTMENT OF STATE, "WASHINGTON, December 26th, 1861. "MY LORD: Earl Russell's dispatch of November the 30th, a copy of which you have left with me at my request, is of the following effect, namely, that a letter of Commander Williams, dated royal mail contract boat Trent, at sea, November 9th, states that that vessel left Havana on the 7th of November with her Majesty's mails for England, having on board numerous passengers, "Shortly after noon, on the 8th of November, the United States war steamer San Jacinto, Captain Wilkes, not showing colors, was observed ahead. That steamer, on being neared by the Trent, at one o'clock fifteen minutes in the afternoon, fired a round shot from a pivot gun across her bows and showed American colors. While the Trent was approaching slowly toward the San Jacinto she discharged a shell across the Trent's bows, which exploded at half a cable's length before her. The Trent then stopped, and an officer with a large armed guard of marines boarded her. "The officer said he had orders to arrest Messrs. Mason, Slidell, McFarland, and Eustis, and had sure information that they were passengers in the Trent. While some par Although there were points in the reply of Mr. Seward to which the British ley was going on upon this matter, Mr. Slidell stepped forward and said to the American officer that the four persons he had named were standing before him. The commander of the Trent and Commander Williams protested against the act of taking these four passengers out of the Trent, they then being under the protection of the British flag. But the San Jacinto was at this time only two hundred yards distant, her ship's company at quarters, her ports open and tompions out, and so resistance was out of the question. "The four persons before named were then forcibly taken out of the ship. A further demand was made that the commander of the Trent should proceed on board the San Jacinto, but he said he would not go unless forcibly compelled likewise, and this demand was not insisted upon. Upon this statement Earl Russell remarks that it thus appears that certain individuals have been forcibly taken from on board a British vessel, the ship of a neutral power, while that vessel was pursuing a lawful and innocent voyage; an act of violence which was an affront to the British flag, and a violation of international law. "Earl Russell next says that her Majesty's Government, bearing in mind the friendly relations which have long subsisted between Great Britain and the United States, are willing to believe that the naval officer who committed this aggression was not acting in compliance with any authority from his government, or that if he conceived himself to be so authorized, he greatly misunderstood the instructions which he received, "Earl Russell argues that the United States must be fully aware that the British Government could not allow such an affront on the national honor to pass without full reparation, and they are willing to believe that it could not be the deliberate intention of the Government of the United States unnecessarily to force into discussion between the two Governments a question of so grave a character, and with regard to which the whole British nation would be sure to entertain such unanimity of feeling. Earl Russell, resting upon the statement and the argument which I have thus recited, closes with saying that her Majesty's Government trust that when this matter shall have been brought under the consideration of the Government of the United States, it will, of its own accord, offer to the British Government such redress as alone could satisfy the British nation, namely, the liberation of the four prisoners taken from the Trent, and their delivery to your lordship, in order that they may again be placed under British protection, and a suitable apology for the aggression which has been committed. Earl Russell finally instructs you to propose these terms to me if I should not first offer them on the part of this Govern ment. "This dispatch has been submitted to the President. Government might, if not pacifically disposed, take exception, there was little "The British Government has rightly conjectured, what it is my duty to state, that Captain Wilkes, in conceiving and executing the proceeding in question, acted upon his own suggestions of duty, without any direction, or instruction, or even foreknowledge of it, on the part of this Government. No directions had been given to him, or any other naval officer, to arrest the four persons named, or any of them on the Trent, or on any other British vessel, at the place where it occurred or elsewhere. "The British Government will justly infer from these facts that the United States not only have had no purpose, but even no thought of forcing into discussion the question which has arisen, or any other which could affect in any way the sensibilities of the British nation. "It is true that a round shot was fired by the San Jacinto from her pivot gun when the Trent was approaching; but as the facts have been reported to this Government, the shot was, nevertheless, intentionally fired in a direction so obviously divergent from the course of the Trent as to be quite as harmless as a blank shot, while it should be regarded as a signal. So, also, we learn that the Trent was not approaching the San Jacinto slowly when the shell was fired across her bows, but, on the contrary, the Trent was, or seemed to be, moving under a full head of steam, as if with a purpose to pass the San Jacinto. "We are informed, also, that the boarding officer (Lieutenant Fairfax) did not board the Trent with a large armed guard, but he left his marines in his boat when he entered the Trent. He stated his instructions from Captain Wilkes to search for the four persons named, in a respectful and courteous though decided manner, and he asked the captain of the Trent to show his passenger list, which was refused. The Lieutenant, as we are informed, did not employ absolute force in transferring the passengers, but he used just so much as was necessary to satisfy the parties concerned that refusal or resistance would be unavailing. "So, also, we are informed that the captain of the Trent was not at any time, or in any way, required to go on board the San Jacinto. "These modifications of the case, as presented by Commander Williams, are based upon our official reports. "I have now to remind your lordship of some facts which doubtlessly were omitted by Earl Russell with the very proper and becoming motive of allowing them to be brought into the case on the part of the United States in the way most satisfactory to this Government. "These facts are that, at the time the transaction occurred, an insurrection was existing in the United States, which this Government was engaged in suppressing by the employment of land and naval forces; that, in regard to this domestic strife, the United States considered Great Britain as a friendly power, while she has assumed for her |