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JEFFERSON AS A POLITICIAN AND JEFFERSONIAN PRINCIPLES"

WE are accustomed to being told by authors and orators that Thomas Jefferson was the ablest politician this country has thus far produced, and, judged by the standards of his generation, that is doubtless true. It is common to say and to believe that Washington was the greatest soldier, Marshall the ablest jurist, Henry the most eloquent orator, Webster and Clay the most convincing debaters this country has produced, yet there are giants in these days also whose proportions would be enlarged by the perspective of a century but are diminished by familiarity. It is of course impossible to say whether Grant or Sherman possessed the untiring patience of Washington and could have led to victory the undisciplined troops of the Continental army; but the Justices of the Supreme Court to-day will tell you that the late Joseph P. Bradley was the most profound scholar that ever graced the American bench, and that Samuel F. Miller's mind was in every respect equal to Marshall's; Senators will contend that Conkling, Blaine, Thurman, Edmunds, Hoar, and Harrison could have met the ablest debaters of early times on even terms; that Beecher, Ingersoll, and Wendell Phillips had tongues as eloquent as Patrick Henry's; and that Abraham Lincoln, Samuel J. Tilden, and others who might be named were as sagacious in political affairs as was

Thomas Jefferson. Changing conditions make exact measurements impossible and random comparison unfair. There are embryo Washingtons and Jeffersons, Lincolns and Grants, in the villages of Virginia and the cities of the country awaiting development as their services may be required by their fellow-men. There was never an emergency but some one arose to meet it, and Websters, Blaines, Grants, Bradleys, and Tildens are moving among the multitudes to-day,-as many as mankind will ever need,-unmindful of their power, unconscious of their destiny. Not long ago after a young lawyer from Chicago made his first appearance before the Supreme Court the ChiefJustice remarked: "If that argument had been delivered a century ago it would have given him a national reputation. To-day it will pass unnoticed except by his clients and the court." As the world grows wider the stature of its leaders must enlarge. As the horizon extends the power of vision must increase. There are men living to-day who, inspired by the same motives and guided by the same principles, might have fulfilled the destiny of Jefferson as ably and successfully as he, but the ability, industry, and learning he possessed would command a foremost place in any race or generation.

Conscious of his own moral, intellectual, and political power, impressed with the accuracy of his own convictions and the patriotism of his motives, Jefferson endeavored to assume leadership in whatever field of activity he found himself engaged. His vivid individuality, self-reliance, and vast fund of information usually compelled submission, and when others would not yield he became restless and discontented. He believed that his theories of government were so founded in

eternal truth that success and popularity must naturally attend him as their advocate and expounder. He was egotistical and confident because he had convinced himself that he was a genuine and successful benefactor of mankind,— the teacher of a great gospel that, like the Sermon on the Mount, embodied all the science of government and human morality.

In the early days of his prominence in public affairs Jefferson was not a party man. "If I could not go to Heaven but with a party I would not go there at all," he said, and he accused the Federalists of trying to divide the people into factions; but soon afterwards became an intense partisan. He recognized the advantage of organization to promote political principles, and finally concluded that parties were not only necessary but beneficial in watching each other, provoking agitation, discussion, and interest in public affairs.

He conceived the plan, which Mr. Bryan attempted a century later, of running party lines on what he called "a natural division between the aristocracy and the common people. Whatever occurs in any nation in the way of politics must be followed by such a division of interest," he said. "These divisions have existed in all countries by whatever name they might be called."

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Men are divided into two parties by their constitutions; . . . those who fear and distrust the people, and wish to draw all powers from them into the hands of a higher class, and second, those who identify themselves with the people, have confidence in them, cherish and consider them as the most honest and safe although not the most wise depositary of the public interest."

"In every free and deliberating society," said Jefferson while he was Vice-President,

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must from the nature of man be opposite parties and violent dissentions and discords, and one of these for the most part must prevail over the other for a longer or a shorter time. Perhaps this party division is necessary to induce each to watch and relate to the people the proceedings of the other. But, if on the temporary superiority of one party, the other is to resort to a scission of the union, no federal government can ever exist.

"Seeing therefore that an association of men who will not quarrel with each other, is a thing which never yet existed, from the greatest confederacy of nations down to a town meeting or a vestry, seeing that we must have somebody to quarrel with, I had rather keep our New England associates for that purpose, than to see our bickerings transferred to others. They are circumscribed within such narrow limits and their population is so full, that their numbers will ever be the minority, and they are marked like the Jews with such a peculiarity of character as to constitute from that circumstance the natural division of our party. A little patience and we shall see the reign of witches pass over, their spells dissolved and the people recovering their true sight, restore the government to its true principle."

While he was Secretary of State these lines were drawn, much to the anxiety of Washington, who was a man of benevolent disposition, and foresaw danger to the republic in the partisanship that was being developed in the minds of those around him. It soon became intense, much more so than at any time since, and in 1797, the second year of his Vice-Presidency, we find Jefferson complaining of the situation he had aided to create. He wrote Edward Rutledge: "You and I have seen warm debates and high political passions.

But gentlemen of different politics would then speak to each other, and separate the business of the Senate from that of society. It is not so now. Men who have been intimate all their lives, cross the streets to avoid meeting, and turn their heads another way, lest they should be obliged to touch their hats. This may do for young men with whom passion is enjoyment, but it is afflicting to peaceable minds.' And to his daughter he said: "When I look to the ineffable pleasure of my family society, I become more and more disgusted with the jealousies, the hatred, and the rancorous and malignant passions of this scene, and lament my having ever again been drawn into public view. Tranquility is now my object. I have seen enough of political honors to know that they are but splendid torments."

In his day there were no political committees, or clubs; no primaries; no caucuses; no nominating conventions; no campaign funds. Discussions were carried on in the weekly newspapers and by the publication of pamphlets, and in forming a great political party Jefferson was furnished with a mass of fresh, pliant material that had never before been subjected to such influence as he exercised, and submitted readily to his purpose. There had been no permanent division of the people on the line of political opinion. Washington had twice been unanimously elected to the Presidency. His personal influence, which was greater than any other man ever exerted over a community, had determined the choice of his successor. in that campaign public sentiment began to crystallize upon questions of policy and administration; the quarrels between Jefferson and Hamilton had become notorious and the partisans of each were increasing in number and earnestness. People were

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