true. But if this term is used to imply publications encouraging insurrection, and designed to excite the slaves to break their fetters, the charge is utterly and unequivocally false.

8th. We are accused of sending our publications to the slaves, and it is asserted that their tendency is to excite insurrections. Both the charges are false. These publications are not intended for the slaves, and were they able to read them, they would find in them no encouragement to insurrection.

9th. We are accused of employing agents in the slave states to distribute our publications. We have never had one such agent. We have sent no packages of our papers to any person in those States for distribution, except to five respectable resident citizens, at their own request. But we have sent, by mail, single papers addressed to public officers, editors of newspapers, clergymen and others. If, therefore, our object is to excite the slaves to insurrection, the MASTERS are our agents!

10th. We believe slavery to be sinful, injurious to this and every other country in which it prevails; we believe immediate emancipation to be the duty of every slaveholder, and that the immediate abolition of slavery, by those who have the right to abolish it, would be safe and wise. These opinions we have freely expressed, and we certainly have no intention to refrain from expressing them in future, and urging them upon the conscience and hearts of our fellow-citizens who hold slaves or apologize for slavery.

11th. We believe that the education of the poor is required by duty, and by a regard for the permanency of our republican institutions. There are thousands and tens of thousands of our fellow-citizens, even in the free states, sunk in abject poverty, and who on account of their complexion, are virtually kept in ignorance, and whose instruction in certain cases is actually prohibited by law! We are anxious to protect the rights and to promote the virtue and happiness of the colored portion of our population, and on this account we have been charged with a design to encourage inter-marriage between the whites and blacks. This charge has been repeatedly, and is again denied, while we repeat that the

tendency of our sentiments is to put an end to the criminal amalgamation that prevails wherever slavery exists. 12th. We are accused of acts that tend to a dissolution of the Union, and even of wishing to dissolve it. We have never calculated the value of the Union," because we believe it to be inestimable; and that the abolition of slavery will remove the chief danger of its dissolution; and one of the many reasons why we cherish and will endeavor to preserve the Constitution is, that it restrains Congress from making any law abridging the freedom of speech or of the press.

Such, fellow-citizens, are our principles.-Are they unworthy of republicans and of Christians ?-Ex. Com. of the A. An. Slavery Society, New York, Sept. 5, 1835.

Objects.

The object of this Society is the entire abolition of slavery in the United States. While it admits that each state in which slavery exists, has, by the Constitution of the United States, the exclusive right to legislate, in regard to its abolition in said state, it shall aim to convince all our fellow citizens, by arguments addressed to their understandings and consciences, that slaveholding is a heinous crime in the sight of God, and that the duty, safery, and best interests of all concerned, require its immediate abandonment, without expatriation. The Society will also endeavor, in a constitutional way, to influence Congress to put an end to the domestic slave trale, and to abolish slavery in all those portions of our common country, which come under its control, especially in the District of Columbia, and likewise to prevent the extension of it to any state that may be hereafter admitted to the Union.-Constitution of the A. A. Slavery Society, Art. ii.

This Society shall aim to elevate the character and condition of the people of color, by encouraging their intellectual, moral and religious improvement, and by removing public prejudice, that thus they may, according to their intellectual and moral worth, share an equality with the whites, of civil and religious privileges; but this Society will never, in any way, countenance the op

pressed in vindicating their rights by resorting to physical force.-Ib. Art. iii.

Measures.

1. To treat all men as men,-as immortal beings made in the image of the glorious God.

2. To pray for the enslavers and the enslaved. 3. To obtain and spread light upon the sin and evils of American slavery, by open, free, Christianlike discussion-by speaking the truth in love for all persons, and on all occasions.

CHAPTER

XX.

CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES.

The following are all those parts of the Constitution of the United States, which have been supposed, in any way, to relate to the subject of slavery, or which can be consistently brought to bear upon it.

ART. I. Sec. 2. Third clause.-Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several states which may be included within this Union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons.

Sec. 8. Among the enumerated powers of Congress is the following, which gives it full authority to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, viz:

The Congress shall have power to exercise exclusive legislation, in all cases whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of

122

CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES.

particular states, and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of the government of the United States.

A similar power also extends to the territories as appears from Art. IV. Sec. 3.

The Congress shall have power to dispose of, and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory and other property belonging to the United States, &c.

Art. IV. Sec. 2. Third clause.-No person held to service or labor in one state, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due.

The case of a fugitive from slavery in the United States differs, from a fugitive from justice, in this respect; that the latter is to be delivered up "on demand of the executive authority of the state from which he fled, to be removed to the state having jurisdiction of the crime;"-there he is to be tried, on principles of law and evidence common to all the states. But a person may be claimed as a fugitive slave, no trial whatever, after removal, being contemplated, or possible. It is therefore, evident that the states cannot protect their own citizens, unless the claimants of fugitive slaves are compelled to substantiate their claims before a jury by due process of law. But Congress has thought fit to legislate on this subject, and to yield to the claimant any person he may please to arrest as property, provided proof be made to the satisfaction of any magistrate whom the claimant may select. The law is as follows:

Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That when a person held to labor in any of the United States, or in either of the territories on the northwest or south of the river Ohio, under the laws thereof, shall escape into any other

of the said states or territory, the person to whom such, labor or service may be due, his agent or attorney is hereby empowered to seize or arrest such fugitive from labor, and to take him or her before any judge of the circuit or district courts of the United States, residing or being within the state, or before any magistrate of a county, city, or town corporate, wherein such seizure or arrest shall be made, and upon proof to the satisfaction of such judge or magistrate, either by oral testimony or affidavit, taken before and certified by a magistrate of any such state or territory, that the person so seized or arrested, doth, under the laws of the State or territory from which he or she fled, owe service or labor to the person claiming him or her, it shall be the duty of such judge or magistrate to give a certificate thereof to such claimant, his agent or attorney, which shall be sufficient warrant for removing the said fugitive from labor, to the state or territory from which he or she fled.

Now compare this Act of Congress with Art. xii, the Constitution, (Amendments,) which reads thus:

In suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved; and no fact tried by a jury shall be otherwise re-examined in any court of the United States, than according to the rules of the common law.

From this it is perfectly clear, that the foregoing Act, is not only unconstitutional, but directly subversive of the state rights..

The following clause in the Constitution empowers Congress to abolish the internal slave trade:

Congress shall have power-to regulate commerce among the several states.-Art. I. Sec. 8.

Were the slave trade abolished which is now carried on between the different states, slavery could not continue in this nation but a short time. See next chapter.