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bility, of parliamentary law, of right and wrong, are thoroughly discussed. Many a real convention is not half so exciting as these the pupils hold.

In studying the powers of congress, a copy of the tariff law, a custom house receipt, a tax receipt, naturalization papers, certificates of copyright, patent papers, passports, etc., aid the teacher and the pupil to understand what the book means. If the original papers can not be had, blanks may be obtained by writing to the proper officers.

When they studied naturalization one member of the class was appointed judge of the proper court; another clerk; and a third was considered a foreigner and required to take all the steps of naturalization. Naturalization became a live, real subject to the class. One hundred and twenty questions were asked by the members of the class, books were read, and the difficult phases of naturalization were intelligently discussed.

The amount of this work done must depend on the time and circumstances surrounding the class. Yet one period a week during a term will be sufficient time to accomplish much more than is suggested here. Thus may pupil and teacher live in their work, be interested in it, and master it.

CIVIL GOVERNMENT OF OHIO

CHAPTER I

DEFINITIONS AND FORMS OF GOVERNMENT

Government.-The government of a State or country is the organization that is invested with supreme power. Its functions are to make, interpret and execute the laws. All governmental acts may be classed under three heads-legislative, executive, and judicial.

These functions may be exercised by one man or body of men, or they may be divided among several bodies.

The popular opinion holds that the American government has these three functions or powers apportioned among the three departments-legislative, executive, and judicial-which are separate and distinct from one another, while in fact each department exercises either kind of power,-an absolute separation is an impossibility.

Each department checks the other two. The president with the veto power offers a check to hasty legislation.

The power of congress in matters pertaining to the duties of officers, to the fixing of their salaries, and to the right of impeachment puts a restraint upon the

executive and the judiciary. By its right to inquire into the manner in which the officers of the executive department discharge their duties and its power to determine the constitutionality and meaning of a law, the judicial department restrains the others.

But neither department possesses coercive power over the others. Each department is free within constitutional limits.

Theoretically the government of England consists of three departments: the king as chief executive; parliament consisting of two houses, house of commons and house of lords; and the judiciary; but practically it has but one governmental body, the house of commons. At the dictation of the commons, the king chooses the leader of the dominant party as prime minister, who then selects his cabinet from his own party.

These officers who perform executive acts are responsible to the majority of the house of commons.

When they no longer have the confidence of the majority as shown by vote of the members they may resign or dissolve parliament, and call a new election. If the new commons will not pass a resolution of confidence or approval, they must resign; hence the real executive is subordinate to the popular branch of the legislative department.

The house of commons exercises coercive power over the house of lords.

When the lords show a disposition to refuse to pass a measure, the commons may, through the prime minister, threaten to create more peers, or to abolish the house of lords entirely, and the lords for self protec

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