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(i) A state return of taverns, licenced and unlicenced, the tax collected thereon: lotteries, and lottery offices. Home distilleries, amount distilled.

(k) The prisons and bettering-houses of all descriptions: the number and kinds of criminal prosecutions, convictions and acquitals: the court expences attending them, the number of criminals committed and their respective pumshments. The criminals who are committed for offences more than once. The prison discipline: the expence of building and governing the jail and keeping the prisoners. What fees on dismission. If any money is given on dismission to keep then from starving for a few days.

(1) The judiciary establishment, the number of vrits issued: the number of causes on the docket at issue: the average number tried throughout the year: the court expences of trials. The number of judges, lawyers, magistrates, sheriffs, prothonotaries, and constables. So as to judge of the expence of the present law establishment to the people.

(m) The incorporated and unincorporated bodies, in each state; whether baukers, insurance, or joint stock companies, with their capitals, and their term of incorporation; and the particulars of each bauking establishment as original capital to notes issued, funds, debts, &c.

(n) The number of clergy of all descriptions within each state; and of their subscribers: salaries of the ministers.

(0; An annual statement of immigrants into the United States: sex, occupation, age.

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Such are the prominent items of a statistical account of the country, without which our statesmen will very often reason in the dark. In this country, we have nothing to conceal from the people. Publicity, is, or ought to be, the motto of a republican government. Concealment and mystery lead to deception; and are indeed the sure marks and signs of it: want of accurate facts to reason from, leads to mistake and misrule. The expence of ascertaining these facts, is absolutely nothing compared to their importance when obtained. It is the science of political economy alone, that can fully impress on our statesmen the value of such an accurate detail; and when that science becomes more diffused, the people will take care, that the required information shall be at hand in time of need, when a law is proposed bearing upon any part o

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this detail. Would a statistical board, or permanent committee be an improvement?

Much of the enumerat d information, we have already provided for in our country: but it ought to come out as a matter of course, in an annual volume or volumes, to serve as a perpetual book of fact to reason from as to the real state of the nation, and the means of its improvement.

CHAPTER 28.

OF THE PUBLIC WORKS THAT FALL WITHIN
THE DUTIES OF GOVERNMENT.

It is manifest, that whatever expenditures necessary to the public good, exceed the funds of individuals, ought to be borne entirely, or aided in great part, by the public funds.

In England and in this country, turnrike roads and canals are matters of private speculation: hospitals also are universally erected by the charity of private citizens. In England, an old settled country, the accumulation of wealth will justify this practice, and the incessant demands of government for political purposes, leaves no surplus in the treasury to be devoted to purposes of mere public utility, unconnected with governmental views of politics. It seems as if this were also the case where it ought not to be.

Roads and canals, should be a State-expence; undertaken with a sole view to public utility; performed by contract opent to the most eligible contractor, on the most efficient security; and the expence repaid by a moderate toll sufficient to produce the interest of the money expended. The commissioners who determine the direction and line of roads and canals ought not to be taken from the neighborhood.*

*The present system of repairing township roads by calling out an assessed amount of labour, is a very extravagant one. The labourers seldom do half work. It ought to be changed for a money tax, and the repair of the roads let out by contract with security in divisions of from one mile to five. Either McAdam's or Telford's method as described by Mr. Strickland of Philadelphia ought to be steadily pursued; for though more expensive at first, it will be incalculably cheaper in the end. All public business should be let out by public contract with security,

Private interests would no doubt interfere to carry these u dertakings in directions sometimes not the most eligible. But I know of no good not liable to abuse; and the republican princiciple of publicity in every public undertaking, is a safe-guard of great efficacy. In this way many useful projects would be carried into execution, that are passed over, or dropped in despair now: and much publie improvement would be anticipated, which under present circumstances is long delayed.

The next eligible plan, would be, that which is often adopted in this country for government to take a share in such under takings are likely to be of great public benefit, but are too burthensome on the funds of individuals. The guiding rule ought to be, that an undertaking, which is not likely at an early period of its completion, to insure at least legal interest upon the capital expended after all deduction, is not deserving of public encouragement. I think many of our canal schemes liable to this objection. Money can be laid out so as to produce this return, it is therefore misapplied, when it does not. Wait until it will.

In all these cases, my observations apply in this country, to state governments alone. I greatly doubt the constitutional powers at present claimed by and conceded to the general govern-ment of the Union, to take part in any such undertakings. The power and patronage of the general government already threaten the liberties of the country. The acquiescence of the state governments in these insidious measures, bribed to approve of them by the money proposed to be expended in the state, and taken out of the national treasury, seems to me like Esau's selling his birth-right for a mess of potage. But I forbear further remark on this subject, as savouring too much of politics to be dwelt on here, however deeply the sources and distribution of public wealth, may be interested in the question.

THE END

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