*

[CHAP. 8.] ponded with the Pretender and his family; some of them with the connivance of the sovereign on the throne, and probably with a view of discovering the schemes of the Jacobites. On similar principles it may be conjectured, that Bolingbroke and Ormond might also have caballed with Berwick and the agents of the Pretender, with a view only of obtaining the dismission of Oxford, and the support of the Jacobites; and might, as soon as they had secured themselves in their places, have followed the example of Oxford. In corroboration of this argument, it appears from a letter of Erasmus Lewis to Swift, † that Bolingbroke, at this period, courted the principal leaders of the Whigs: Walpole † himself also admitted that Bolingbroke had held a meeting with them for the purpose of arranging the terms of a coalition, at which he gave the most positive assurances of his good wishes to the Protestant succession; but when it was insisted, that as a proof of his sincerity, the Pretender should be removed to such a distance as would prevent his interference in the affairs of England, he declared his inability to obtain the consent of the queen, to what she deemed the banishment of her brother. To attempt to fathom the politics, and unquestionably trace the designs of the artful

*See Macpherson's Papers, vol. 2. p. 529–534.

+ Swift's Letters, vol. 1. Letter 150.

Etough's Letter to Lord Walpole: he received this anecdote from Hotham, Master of the Charter House, who was intimately connected with Sir Robert Walpole,

and unprincipled Bolingbroke, would be difficult even at this time, when party prejudices have subsided, and when many lights have been thrown on his conduct. But at the period here alluded to, the task was impracticable. How could the Whigs discriminate whether his intrigues with Marlborough, and his negotiations with some of their leaders, were intended merely to counteract the designs of Oxford, or to deceive them; or whether his correspondence with the Pretender, was carried on with the view of promoting or frustrating his restoration.

But such conjectures do not strictly apply to the question in agitation, Whether intrigues were not employed to set aside the Hanover line, and to induce the queen to assist in placing the Pretender on the throne? That simple fact is incontrovertible, and affords a justification of the Whigs, and of those Tories who were friends to the Hanover line, that having knowledge of such cabals, or even entertaining strong presumptions of them, they should use every means to defeat those attempts. They were bound in duty to propose such strong measures as would awaken the Protestants to a sense of their danger, and force the queen and ministry to consent to such acts as were most likely to secure the succession; and they were to come forward repeatedly and continually, that the passions of men might not be suffered to sleep, and that the danger might be made manifest to the discernment of the public. They are therefore sufficiently vindicated for setting a price on the Pretender's head; for consulting with

the agents of Hanover; for advising Baron Schutz to demand the writ for the electoral prince to be called to the house of peers, and for insisting that he should be permitted to reside in London, although Oxford told the duke of Kent, that to bring over one of the electoral family, would be to expose the queen's coffin to her view.

The last six months of the reign of Anne, was a fearful period; big with alarms, during which the kingdom stood on the "perilous edge "* of domestic commotions and foreign invasion. The nation was divided into three parties, each differently interested in regard to the Hanover line. The Jacobites, hostile and exulting; the Tories, disaffected, neutral, or lukewarm; the Whigs, always active, yet occasionally desponding, anxious to avoid a civil war, yet determined to hazard their lives and fortunes in support of their religion and constitution; and it is impossible to read the Stuart and Hanover Papers, in Macpherson's Collection for 1714, and the Memoirs of Berwick, and of the duke of Hamilton, without shuddering at the dangers which seemed likely to burst forth from the violence of those parties, and the collision of discordant opinions.

The earl of Chesterfield † was firmly convinced, that if the queen had lived three months longer, the religion and liberties of this country would have been in imminent danger. The patience of the Whigs was nearly exhausted;

* Milton.

+ Life of Lord Chesterfield, p. 13.-Letter to Mr. Jumeau.

their apprehensions increased, and they were induced to form associations for the protection of their religion and liberties; the people caught the alarm; many of the Tories began to see the danger, and to act in conjunction with the Whigs for the general security.

At this important crisis, the queen was seized with a sudden stroke of apoplexy, which took away her senses, and soon occasioned her death. Although she had dismissed Oxford, she had not yet nominated his successor; and while Bolingbroke and his party were wavering, the dukes of Argyle and Somerset entered the council chamber without being summoned, and moved for an examination of the physicians. The queen being pronounced in great danger, they represented that it was necessary to fill up the place of lord treasurer, and the duke of Shrewsbury was proposed. The whole board assenting, the queen, during a lucid interval, delivered to him the white staff. The privy counsellors being summoned, Somers and other friends to the Protestant succession, made their appearance; and every precaution was taken to quiet the public mind, and to ensure the accession of the elector of Hanover. Anne expired on the first of August 1714; and Bolingbroke expresses himself in a letter to Swift,† dated August 3; "The earl of Oxford was removed on Tuesday; the queen died on Sunday. What a world is this, and how does fortune banter us."

* Tindal.

+ Swift's Letters, vol. 1, p. 507.

PERIOD THE SECOND:

From the Accession of GEORGE I. to the Commencement of the South Sea Scheme:

1714-1720.

CHAPTER 9.
1714.

General State of the European Powers at the Death of Queen Anne, with respect to their Inclination or Capacity to promote or obstruct the Accession of George the First-State of Great Britain-Character of George the First—not calculated to promote his Cause.

No Prince ever ascended a throne under more critical circumstances, and with less appearance of a quiet reign, than George the First; whether we consider the state of the European powers, the situation of parties in Great Britain, or his own character.

Most of the European powers were at this critical juncture from motives of prejudice, alliance or personal dislike, averse to the interests of the elector of Hanover; and those who had not taken a decided part against him, with the exception of Prussia and Holland alone, were indifferent or incapable of showing their friendship.

Although Louis the Fourteenth had guaran